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LIFE, VOYAGES, AND EXPLOITS 

OF 

SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, 


WITH NUMEROUS ORIGINAL LETTERS 

FROM HIM AND THE LORD HIGH ADMIRAL TO THE QUEEN AND 
GREAT OFFICERS OF STATE. 




By JOHN BARROW, F.S.A. 


rOS 


UrFICEDEF 


i 


MOV 181898 


B 


R A 


RY 


“ THE FIRST WHO PLOUGHED A FURROW ROUND THE WORLD.” 

» 

ZLTIEC’W" EDITIOFT. 


LONDON: 

JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 


1861. 







LONDON. 

PRINTED RY WILLIAM OLOWES AND SONS, 

STAMFORD STREET AND CHARFNG CROSS. 


By Transfer 
P. O. Dept. 

Mar 23 06 



< 

< i 




TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE 


SIR JAMES R. GRAHAM, BART 

&C. I &c. &t. 


ONE OF HER MAJESTY'S PRINCIPAL SECRETARIES OF STATE, 


THIS VOLUME JS GRATEFULLY INSCRIBE!' 


uv 


THE AUTHOIi. 


I \» 


J 


The first Edition of the ‘ Life of Sir Francis Drake ’ bein°- out of print, 
the work has been carefully revised ; and also considerably abridged, in 
order that it might appear as one ot tne Numbers of the ‘ Colonial and 
Iloine Library." 


fUST OFFICE DEI*f 

NOV 181£J3 

Li BHAR' 


PREFACE. 


The reasons which have induced me to submit the following 
pages to the public may be briefly stated. 

The Life of Drake, written by Dr. Johnson, is interesting in no 
common degree ; and in it are happily blended a vivid narrative 
of adventure with lofty and valuable moral precepts: but it is 
altogether incomplete ; the great moralist having terminated his 
narrative somewhat abruptly at the conclusion of the Circum¬ 
navigation Voyage; and leaving untold all the important events 
of Drake’s subsequent life. 

Dr. Southey’s memoir, given in the third volume of his ‘ Lives 
of the British Admirals,’ is much more complete; and evinces 
great research : but it forms part of a voluminous work ; from 
the very nature of which many subjects, not immediately con¬ 
nected with Drake, are blended with the details of his life. 

It appeared to me, therefore, that a Life of the celebrated 
circumnavigator, more extended than that of Dr. Johnson and 
unencumbered with other biographies, might be acceptable to the 
public: the more especially as there was reason to believe that 
much valuable matter, illustrative of his career, remained unex¬ 
plored in the public depositories of the kingdom, and in private 
collections. I accordingly applied my best diligence to the task : 
and I do not think that I overrate the result of my labour when 
I state, that many of the original documents never before pub¬ 
lished which are given in the following pages will be found in no 
common degree interesting and important. 






VI 


WfiiFACE. 


By the kindness of Sir James Graham, I received ready per¬ 
mission to investigate the documents in the State Paper Office; 
where I felt assured that much important matter would be found. 
From this source, as well as from the numerous collections of 
manuscripts in the British Museum, I obtained copies of many 
autograph letters, not only of Sir Francis Drake, but also of the 
Lord High Admiral, the Earl of Effingham ; several of them 
relating to the Spanish Armada, miscalled i the Invincible 
together with many other documents connected with the public 
transactions of Sir Francis Drake. 

In going through these collections I received great assistance 
from Sir Henry Ellis, Mr. Lechmere, and Mr. Lemon ; for which 
my best thanks are due to them : as they are also to Mr. Thorpe ; 
who most obligingly took the trouble to collate my copies with 
the almost illegible manuscripts. 

I next applied to Sir Francis Palgrave, with reference to the 
records in the Tower; but was informed by him that there is 
nothing among the Admiralty Papers so early as the reign of 
Elizabeth. Sir Francis Palgrave thinks it probable that in the 
Rolls-IIouse there may be Accounts connected with the subject; 
but says that the search would be laborious, as there are no 
indices. 

The answer which I received from the Bodleian Library was, 
that u the collection contained nothing new to interest a bio¬ 
grapher of Sir Francis Drake.” 

In the Ashmolean Museum there are only a few notices; and 
these have already appeared in print. 

At Magdalen College, Cambridge, there are numerous and 
voluminous documents collected or composed by Mr. Pepys, 
chiefly relating to naval matters; but little or nothing concern¬ 
ing Drake. 

To Mr. Bolton Corney, a gentleman of great literary acquire¬ 
ments and research, I am highly indebted for the loan of several 
valuable and rare tracts, besides detached notes of information 
on points connected with my subject; and I am the more anxious 




PREFACE. 


vn 


tlius publicly to offer him my thanks, in consequence of the ready 
and willing manner in which they were communicated. 

There is still, however, a great deficiency of materials regarding 
the private and domestic life of Drake ; and as the family may 
be considered extinct, or at least only continued in the female 
line, there is but little hope that any such will be forthcoming. 

I did not omit to apply in every quarter where there was 
the slightest chance of obtaining any information ; and especially 
to Sir Thomas Tray ton Fuller Eliott Drake, Bart., the nephew 
of the late Lord Heathfield, to whose property he has succeeded ; 
and who has also, under a Royal patent, taken the names of 
Eliott and Drake, after that of Fuller, as well as the arms of 
Drake. His reply was that he had nothing whatever, except 
some relics that were given to Drake by Queen Elizabeth, an 
account of which had already been published ; but at the same 
time, in the most obliging manner, expressed his willingness to 
place the whole of these in my hands. 

As Sir Francis Drake was much in communication with the 
Lord Treasurer Burleigh, and had frequent correspondence with 
him, I applied, through a friend, to the Marquis of Salisbury; 
requesting to be permitted to have access to the Burleigh Papers, 
at Hatfield House ; or at least to be informed what was the nature 
and extent of the documents they contained relating to Drake. 
The reply was, that it would be a long time before the catalogue 
was finished ; and that his Lordship must decline to let any person 
have unlimited access to the papers: but that as soon as they 
were completely arranged, I should be informed how far he could 
contribute to my object. 

I applied also to the Marquis of Exeter, as it appeared pro¬ 
bable that he might be in possession of papers connected 
with Drake or his family. His Lordship’s reply was, that he had 
sent all his papers to Lord Salisbury. Thus, then, these memo¬ 
rials, whatever they may be, remain, after the lapse of two 
centuries and a half, still inaccessible. 

In transcribing the autograph letters of the Lord High Admiral 




Vlll 


PREFACE. 


and of Sir Francis Drake, I have rigidly adhered to the originals ; 
even to the spelling, although the same words are -frequently 
written differently, at different times, and even in the same letter. 

Subjoined is a list of the principal authors, many of them the 
contemporaries of Drake, upon whose authority I have framed 
my account of his life.* In very many instances I have tran¬ 
scribed their original words. It would have been easy for me to 
have remodelled these passages, and to have given their sub¬ 
stance in a modern garb ; and the narrative would have had a less 
disjointed appearance had I done so. But I felt that any change 
in their phraseology — any departure from their quaint and 
forcible mode of expression—must detract, not only from the 
interest of the details which they give, but in some degree also 
from the validity of their statements. This conviction out 
weighed with me all minor considerations. 


* Camden 

Purchas 

Stow 

Fuller 

Strype 

Prince 

Speed 

Monsou 

Holinsked 

D’Ewes 

Hakluyt 

Hume 


Lediard.—As also, 
Eymer’s Fcedera 
Birch’s Tracts 
Lord Somers’ Tracts 
World Encompassed 
Drake Revived, &c. 







C ix .) 


C O N T E N T S. 


CHAPTER I. 

EXPEDITION OF HAWKINS TO THE WEST IND1E8. 

1567—1568. 

p _ 

The parentage and early life of Francis Drake—His Sea-education— 
Voyage to the West Indies with his friend Captain John Hawkins— 
Treachery of the Spaniards and Disasters in that Voyage—Narrative 
of Miles Philips—Letter from Hawkins to Cecil—Narrative of Job 
Horton.. 


CHAPTER II. 

THIRD VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES AND THE SPANISH MAIN. 

1572—1573. 

State of England and Spain—Revised Relation of this Voyage by 
Drake himself—Arrive at Port Pheasant—Symerons—Transactions 
at Nombre de Dios—The Treasury and Governor’s house—Drake 
wounded—Return to their ships at the Isle of Pinos—Cartagena— 
Capture a great ship of Seville — Drake destroys his own ship the 
Swan—Takes several vessels—Arrives at Port Plenty—Drake leaps 
on shore at Cartagena—John Drake slain—Sickness in the crew— 
Death of Joseph Drake—Attempt to reach Panama by land—Dis¬ 
appointment—Drake is led to a great tree—Discovers the South Sea, 
and makes a solemn vow—Vasco de Balboa—Returns to England— 

Sir Wm. Davenant’s Drama . . . . . . .15 

• 

CHAPTER III. 

THE VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 

1577—1580. 

Preliminary Observations—Drake’s Services in Ireland—He is patron¬ 
ised by the Queen—Expensive preparations for the Voyage—Secrecy 
as to its destination—The cause of a rival enterprise—Oxenham’s dis¬ 
astrous voyage and death—Drake’s squadron—Captures made by it— 
Misconduct of Doughty—Patagonians—Arrival at St. J ulian—Trial 
and execution of Doughty—Passage through the Strait of Magelhaens 
—Driven down to Cape Horn—Passage up the North Pacific— 

N umerous captures of Treasure . . • • » • .34 


/ 




X 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER IV. 

CONTINUATION OF VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 

1577—1580. 

Page 

Drake proceeds to the Northward—A North-East Passage round Ame¬ 
rica suggested—Intense cold—Interview with the natives of the West 
Coast of North America—Drake takes possession of New Albion in 
the Queen’s name—Crosses the Pacific to the Moluccas—Calls at 
Java—Voyage home 59 


CHAPTER V. 

DRAKE IN ENGLAND. 

1580—1585. 

Drake is well received at Plymouth—Neglected in London, and at the 
Court—Restored to the favour of the Queen, who visits his ship at 
Deptford—Confers Knighthood on him—Honours paid to the ship— 
Amount of Treasure brought home . . . . • .72 


CHAPTER VI. 

drake’s voyage to the west indies. 

1585—1586. 

Drake receives command of a squadron—Sir Philip Sydney—The squa¬ 
dron and troops employed—Land on the island of St. Jago—Attack on 
St. Domingo, and on Cartagena—Sickness in the fleet—The intention 
of taking Nombre de Dios, and entering the Isthmus, abandoned— 
Destroy St. Augustine—Return homewards—Call at Virginia—Bring 
away the Governor and Colonists, who abandon the Colony—Introduc¬ 
tion of Tobacco.. 82 


CHAPTER VII. 

EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 

1587. 

Designs of Philip—Insolence of the Spanish Ambassador—Drake ap¬ 
pointed to command an expedition—Letter of Sir F. Drake—Arrives 

at Cadiz; burns, sinks, and carries away about 100 sail of ships_ 

Dispatches Captain Crosse with letters—Leaves Cadiz—Destroys a 
number of ships in the Tagus—Drake stands over to Terceira, and 
captures a large and rich carrack—Case of Captain Burroughs 


6 





CONTENTS. 


xt 


CHAPTER VIII. 

THE SPANISH ARMADA, CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 

1588. 

Pretence of treating for peace—Unworthy conduct of Spain—Predic¬ 
tions of triumph—Naval and Military forces—Lord High Admiral 
puts to sea—Correspondence of Lord C. Howard and Sir F. Drake 
with the Queen, Sir Francis Walsingham, and Lords of the Council 113 

CHAPTER IX. 

THE SPANISH ARMADA, CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 

1588. 

The Armada in the Channel—Anecdote of Drake—First attack—Spa¬ 
nish MS. Journal—Daily proceedings of the two fleets—The Armada 
is dispersed by fire-ships—Driven into the North Sea—Its disastrous 
condition—Letters from the Lord High Admiral, Sir Francis Drake, 
and Lord Henry Seymour . . . . . . .127 


CHAPTER X. 

THE SPANISH ARMADA, CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 

1588. 

Summary of the Spanish losses—Libels of the late Spanish Ambassa¬ 
dor on the British Officers—Drake’s reply—Public thanksgiving— 
Queen’s procession to St. Paul’s—Letters of the Lord High Admiral 
and Sir Francis Drake, relative to the late invasion—The fleet is 
paid off ...... ... 143 

CHAPTER XI. 

EXPEDITION TO THE GROYNE (CORUNNA), AND LISBON. 

1589. 

Reasons for attacking Spain—Petition of Don Antonio, a candidate for 
the Crown of Portugal—Sir F. Drake and Sir J. Norris appointed to 
command the Expedition—Letters of Sir J. Norris and Sir F. Drake 
to Lord Burleigh—Attack on Corunna—Gallant conduct of a Female 
—Description of the attack by Norris and by Drake—Essex joins 
them—Arrival at Peniche—Norris marches for Lisbon—Drake sails 
for Cascais—Proceedings before Lisbon—Proceedings at Cascais— 
Embark at Cascais—The fleet is dispersed in a Storm—Arrive at 
Plymouth—Case of Lord Essex . . . . . . • 1M 





Xll 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER XII. 


VOYAGE OF DRAKE AND HAWKINS TO THE SPANISH COLONIES. 


1590—1596. 

Letter of Drake to Prince Henry de Bourbon, and his reply—A fleet 
fitted out under Drake and Hawkins—Its object—Attack on the 
Grand Canaria fails—The fleet separates in a storm—Meet at Gua- 
daloupe—Death of Hawkins—Sir F. Clifford and Master Browne 
killed by shot from the forts—Unsuccessful attack by the pinnaces of 
the squadron—La Hacha, Rancheria, Santa Martha, and Nombre de 
Dios taken—Attempt to reach Panama fails—Death of Drake—Re¬ 
turn of Expedition—Character of Drake by Fuller, Stow, and others 
— Review of his Career ........ 


Page 






L I !' E 


OF 

SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. 


CHAPTER I. 

EXPEDITION OF HAWKINS TO THE WEST INDIES 

1567 — 1568 . 

The parentage and early life of Francis Drake—His sea-education—Voyage 
to the West Indies with his friend Captain John Hawkins—Treachery of 
the Spaniards and disasters in that voyage—Narrative of Miles Philips— 
Letter from Hawkins to Cecil—Narrative of Job Horton. 

Among the number of distinguished characters which the reign 
of Queen Elizabeth produced, the name of Sir Francis Drake 
must always hold a prominent place. Born of humble parents, 
and thrown upon the world, in early youth, as a common sea¬ 
man, by honest industry, by perseverance and resolution in over¬ 
coming difficulties, and by unflinching courage, he gradually 
rose to the highest rank in the Naval Service, and to the honour 
of knighthood bestowed by the Sovereign; an honour which, 
in that illustrious reign, was the reward of distinguished merit 
only. 

“ This Drake,” says Camden, “ (to relate no more than what I have heard 
from himself) was born of mean parentage in Devonshire, and had Francis 
Russell (afterwards Earl of Bedford) for his godfather, who, according to 
the custom, gave him his Christian name. Whilst he was yet a child, his 
father, Edmund Drake, embracing the Protestant doctrine, was called in 
question by the law of the Six Articles made by Henry VIII. against the 
Protestants, fled his country, and withdrew himself into Kent”—“for,” says 
Prince, in his ‘Worthies of Devon,’ “the sting of Popery still remained in 
England, though the teeth thereof were knocked out, and the Pope’s supre¬ 
macy abolished.” 

B 





2 


EXPEDITION OF HAWKINS 


[chap. I. 


Sir Francis Drake (the nephew) says, in the dedication to the 
* Voyage Revived,’ 

“ Honest reader, without apologie, I desire thee in this insumg discourse 
to observe with me the power and justice of the Lord of Hostes, who could 
enable so rneane a person to right himself upon so mighty a prince, together 
with the goodness and providence of God, very observable, in that it pleased 
him to raise this man, not only front a low condition, but even from the state 
of persecution; his father suffered in it, being forced to fly from his house 
(neere South Tavistocke in Devon) into Kent, and there to inhabit in the 
hull of a shippe, wherein many of his younger sonnes were born; hee had 
twelve in all, and as it pleased God to give most of them a being upon the 
water, so the greatest part of them dyed at sea; the youngest, though he 
were as far as any, yet dyed at home, whose posterity inherits that which by 
himself, and this noble gentleman the eldest brother, was hardly, yet worthily 
gotten.” 

“ After the death of King Henry,” continues Camden, “ he (the father) 
got a place among the seamen in the King’s Navy, to read prayers to them; 
and soon after he was ordained Deacon, and made Vicar of the Church of 
Upnore upon the river Medway (the road where the fleet usually anchoreth). 
But by reason of his poverty he put his son to the master of a bark, with 
which he used to coast along the shore, and sometimes to carry merchandise 
into Zeland and France. 

“ The youth, being painful and diligent, so pleased the old man by his in¬ 
dustry, that, being a bachelor, at his death he bequeathed his bark unto him 
by will and testament.” 

The account thus given by Camden, one of the ablest and 
most faithful of our old historians, and coming as it does from 
Drake himself, must be considered as settling the question of 
his parentage; and disproving the story of his father Edmund 
being merely a sailor. 

What indeed could a sailor have to do with the Six Articles, 
to make it necessary for him to fly his country ? It is more 
probable that he was one of those who bore the title of Preacher 
or Minister, and had received holy orders, but was without 
church preferment, and engaged in giving instruction to the 
neighbouring people, and reading prayers to them. Be that as 
it may, he must have been a well-educated man, if it be true 
that he was ordained Deacon, and inducted to the vicarage of 
Upnore, on the river Medway. 

The cottage on the banks of the Tavy, in which Drake was 
born, remained unaltered until about thirty years ago. It was 
then demolished, and a stall for cattle now stands upon its site. 



CHAP. I.] 


TO THE WEST INDIES. 


3 


The date of his birth is uncertain. There is an original portrait 
of him in Buckland Abbey, painted Anno Domini 1594; 
cetatis suce 53: according- to this he must have been born in 
1541 : but there is also a beautiful miniature portrait by Hil¬ 
liard, sold lately at Strawberry Hill, and now in possession of 
the Earl of Derby, under which is written AEtatis suce 42; 
Anno Dom. 1581: which gives 1539 for the date of his birth. 
There is a doubt also as to the name of his father, which appears 
by the pedigree to have been Robert, and not Edmund, the third 
son of John Drake of Otterton. 

For some time young Drake continued to carry on the same 
business as his master had done. But the narrow seas were 
too confined a space for so large and aspiring a mind. He there¬ 
fore sold his bark, and by the advice of Captain John Hawkins, 
a bold and adventurous seaman (who is called his kinsman), was 
induced to try his fortune with him on a venture to the West 
Indies, in which he embarked the whole of his little property. 

Captain John Hawkins had previously made two voyages to 
Guinea and the West Indies, purchasing Negro slaves at the 
first place, and selling them to the Spaniards at the latter;—a 
trade that was then carried on by virtue of a treaty, still sub 
sisting, between Henry VIII. and Charles V. So far was this 
traffic from being considered infamous, that every encouragement 
was given to it by Queen Elizabeth ; who took Hawkins into her 
service, made him Paymaster of the Navy, and as a mark of her 
favour gave him a coat of arms, the crest of which was a demi- 
moor, properly coloured, bound by a cord,—the very emblem 
which has since been used to stamp with infamy this inhuman 
trade. 

That the adventurous spirit of Drake should have induced him 
cheerfully to join a man who had always been kind to him, and 
who was engaged in large mercantile concerns, on a voyage to 
the West Indies, cannot be wondered at. 

“Nothing,” says Dr. Johnson, “was talked of among the mercantile or 
adventurous part of mankind but the beauty and riches of this new world. 
Fresh discoveries were frequently made, new countries and nations, never 
heard of before, were daily described; and it may easily be concluded that 
the relators did not diminish the merit of their attempts, by suppressing or 
diminishing any circumstance that might produce wonder or excite cu 
riosity.” 

B 2 



1 


EXPEDITION OF HAWKINS 


[chap. I. 


Drake was already acquainted, but to what extent we know 
not, with the West Indies and the coast of the Caribbean Sea; 
for in the Preface to the Voyage (called his Third), revised, as 
we shall see, by Drake himself, and published by his nephew, he 
speaks of the wrong he suffered with Captain John Lovell, in the 
years 1565 and 1566, at Rio da Hacha. Of this voyage no par¬ 
ticulars appear to have been at any time published ; it was no 
doubt based on mercantile speculation; and perhaps among other 
things, in the traffic for slaves, as an outward-bound cargo: and 
doubtless the knowledge he then acquired was of important advan¬ 
tage to Captain Hawkins in his present undertaking. 

The expedition consisted of one of the Queen’s ships, which, 
as the strongest proof of her approbation of the voyage, she lent 
to Hawkins. It was called the Jesus of Lubeck, and was of 
700 tons burden. It was commanded by Hawkins as Admiral— 
or General; the latter being the title given in those days to the 
commander of a naval expedition. To the Jesus was added the 
Minion, Captain John Hampton; the William and John, Captain 
Thomas Bolton ; and the Judith, Captain Francis Drake, he being 
then, as it is stated, in the twenty-third year of his age, or, if the 
inscription on the Buckland Abbey picture be correct, in his 
twenty-sixth. There were besides two other very small vessels, 
the Angel and the Swallow. 

On the 2nd of October, 1567, they set sail from Plymouth, 
but met with a violent storm off Cape Finisterre, which lasted 
four days: the ships separated, the boats were all lost, and the 
Jesus suffered so much as to be nearly disabled. The storm 
ceasing, however, they were enabled to re-assemble the ships 
and to pursue their course; and having reached the Cape 
de Verde, Hawkins landed about 150 of his men, in the hope 
of obtaining a supply of negroes. Here, however, they got but 
few, and those with great hurt and damage to their men, 
chiefly caused by the envenomed arrows of the negroes : and 

“ although,” says Hakluyt, “ in the beginning they seemed to be but small 
hurts, yet there hardly escaped any, that had blood drawn of them, but died 
in strange sort, with their mouthes shutte some tenne dayes before they died, 
and after their wounds were whole ;” “ when I myself,” says Hawkins, “ had 
one of the greatest wounds, yet, thanks be to God, escaped.” 

They next proceeded down the coast of Guinea, and after 





CHAP. 1.1 


TO THE WEST INDIES. 


5 


many difficulties, and the loss of several men, they succeeded in 
obtaining about 200 negro slaves more; and departed with this 
cargo of human beings on their voyage for the Spanish Islands 
of the West Indies, to sell them to the Spaniards, as Hawkins 
had done before, under the conditions of the treaty above men¬ 
tioned. 

Hawkins, however, before he proceeded with his cargo to the 
West Indies, went farther down the coast to St. Jorge da Mina, 
where he was to obtain gold for his merchandise, fitted, no doubt, 
for the slave-market. At this place a negro king came to ask 
his assistance against a neighbouring king, promising him all the 
negroes that should be taken. An offer so tempting was not to 
be rejected ; and 150 men were selected and sent to assist this 
black warrior. They assaulted a town containing 8000 inha¬ 
bitants, strongly paled round, and fenced after their manner, and 
so well defended that Hawkins’ people had six slain and forty 
wounded. More help was called for: 

“ Whereupon,” says Hawkins, “ considering that the good success of this 
enterprise might highly further the commodity of our voyage, I went myself; 
and with the help of the king of our side, assaulted the town both by land 
and sea; and very hardly, with fire (their houses being covered with palm- 
leaves), obtained the town and put the inhabitants to flight; where we took 
250 persons, men, women, and children; and by our friend, the king on our 
side, there w ere taken 600 prisoners, whereof we hoped to have our choice ; 
"but the negro (in which nation is never or seldom found truth) meant nothing 
less; for that night he removed his camp and prisoners, so that we w T ere fain 
to content us w ith those few that we had gotten ourselves.” 

On the 27th of March they came in sight of Dominica, coasted 
Margarita, Cape de la Vela, and other places, “ carrying on, and 
without obstruction, a tolerable good trade,” that is, of course, 
selling their negroes for silver. But at Rio da Hacha all com¬ 
merce with the inhabitants was strictly prohibited. Hawkins, 
deeming this to be an infraction of the treaty, and an unauthorized 
and illegal proceeding, determined to attack the place : and having 
landed 200 men, the town was taken by storm with the loss of 
two men only; and no hurt is said to have been done to the Spa¬ 
niards ; because, after their volley was discharged, they all fled. 
They soon, however, returned ; and then secret trade was carried 
on during the night; and the Spaniards bought 200 negroes ; and 
at all other places the inhabitants traded willingly. 




6 EXPEDITION OF HAWKINS. [ciiap. i. 

In proceeding- from hence toward Cartagena they were caught 
in a terrible storm ; which continued four days, and so shattered 
the Jesus, that they cut down her upper works: her rudder was 
also shaken, and she sprang a leak. Proceeding toward Florida, 
they encountered another storm ; and were driven into the bay of 
Mexico, and entered into the port of San Juan d'Ulloa: in 
searching for which they took on their way three ships, which 
carried passengers to the number of one hundred. 

“ I found in this port,” says Hawkins, “ twelve ships, which had in them 
by report, 200,000/. in gold and silver; all which being in my possession, 
with the King’s Island, and also the passengers, before in my way thither¬ 
ward stayed, I set at liberty without taking from them the weight of a groat.” 

The Spaniards mistook the English ships for a fleet from Spain, 
which was daily expected ; and the chief officers came on board ; 
but being soon undeceived, were in great alarm : when, how¬ 
ever, they found that victuals only were demanded, they took 
courage and furnished them in abundance. 

To prevent any misunderstanding, Hawkins sent to Mexico, 
representing to the viceroy that he had put into this port in 
consequence of stress of weather; that he was in want of victuals, 
and his ships in great need of repair; and, as Englishmen and 
friends to Spain, he requested that they might be supplied with 
what they wanted, on proper payment being made. 

“ On the morrow,” says Hawkins, “ we saw open of the haven thirteen 
great ships, and understanding them to be the fleet of Spain, I sent imme¬ 
diately to advertise the general of the fleet of my being there; giving him to 
understand, that before I would suffer them to enter the port, there should 
be some order of conditions pass between us, for our safe-being there, and 
maintenance of peace.” 

It is not easy to comprehend how a commander of three 
ships, two of them of no strength, should presume to dic¬ 
tate to thirteen great ships, not to mention the twelve others 
already in port, and that port belonging to the Spaniards, 
and guarded by a battery of brass guns; or that he should be 
bold enough to talk of making conditions, before he would 
suffer them to enter their own harbour. It marks the wide 
difference between an English sea commander and a Spanish 
one, in those days, as indeed in many subsequent periods. 

Hawkins, however, felt that he had gone too far, and that Ills 
audacity was likely to get him into a scrape: 



CHAP. I.] 


TO THE WEST INDIES. 


“ An d here,” he says, “ I began to bewail that which after followed, for 
now, said I, I am in two dangers, and forced to receive the one of them. 
That was, either I must have kept out the fleet from entering the port, the 
which with God’s help I was able to do, or else suffer them to enter in with 
their accustomed treason, which they never fail to execute, where they may 
have opportunitie to compass it by any means; if I had kept them out, then 
had there been present shipwreck of all the fleet, which amounted in value 
to six millions, which was, in value of our money, 1,800,000/., which I con¬ 
sidered I was not able to answer, fearing the Queen’s Majesty’s indignation 
in so weighty a matter. Thus with myself revolving the doubts, I thought 
rather better to abide the jutt of the uncertainty than the certainty; the un¬ 
certain doubt, I account, was their treason, which, by good policy, I hoped 
might be prevented; and therefore, as choosing the least mischief, I pro¬ 
ceeded to conditions.” 

The fact was, as he more clearly admits in another place, that 
besides the risk he ran of an unequal combat, he was afraid to 
take upon himself the responsibility of plundering from the 
king of Spain so immense a sum of money, which could not 
fail to bring her Majesty into collision with that sovereign. 

The General therefore resolved not to commit any act of hos¬ 
tility, nor do anything that could be construed into a breach of 
the treaty. All that he required of the Spaniards was the assur¬ 
ance of security for himself and his people, and all that belonged 
to him ; that provisions should be supplied to them for money, 
and that they should have liberty to trade: moreover that, 
during his abode there, he should keep possession of the island 
and the eleven pieces of brass cannon that were planted upon it. 

In the fleet was a new viceroy from Mexico, Don Martin Hen- 
riquez ; who, although he disliked these conditions and made some 
demur, at last agreed to them, and gave a writing to that effect 
signed and sealed by himself; each party giving and exchanging 
ten hostages for the due performance of the stipulations. 

“ At the end of thi-ee days,” says Hawkins, “ the Spanish fleete entered 
the port, the ships saluting one another, as the manner of the sea doth re¬ 
quire; the morrow after, being Friday, we laboured on all sides, in placing 
the English ships by themselves, and the Spanish ships by themselves, the 
captains and inferior persons of either part offering and showing great cour- 
tesie one to another, and promising great amitie on all sides.” 

This amity on the part of the Spaniards was, however, soon 
discovered to be fallacious: they were observed to be placing 
additional guns on the fortifications of the island, and increasing 





s 


EXPEDITION OF HAWKINS 


[chap. I. 


the crews of their ships. The viceroy sanctioned this treachery, 
inasmuch as he took no steps to prevent it; although lie assured 
Hawkins that u lie would be their defence against all villainies.” 
As the master of the Jesus spoke Spanish, Hawkins sent him 
to the viceroy to inquire if his suspicions were correct: im¬ 
mediately the master was seized, the trumpet sounded, the Eng¬ 
lish were taken by surprise, and the Spaniards most perfidiously 
falling upon them, killed a great number of men, seized, plun¬ 
dered, and burnt three of their ships, made their crews prisoners, 
and obliged the remainder, in the smaller ships, to retreat with¬ 
out provisions, and in so miserable a plight, that scarcely a sixth 
part survived to reach England. 

The English, however, did not come away wholly unre¬ 
venged ; 

“ For,” says Hawkins, “ no sooner were the Jesus and the Minion got 
about two ships’ length from the Spanish fleet, than the fight began to be so 
warm on all sides, that, in less than an hour, the Spanish Admiral was sup¬ 
posed to be sunk, the Vice-Admiral burnt, and another of their chief ships 
believed to be sunk, so that their ships w r ere little able to annoy us.” 

The cannon on the island being now in possession of the 
Spaniards, they turned them upon the English, and the masts, 
yards, and rigging of the Jesus were soon so shattered that no 
hopes were left of carrying her off: it was with these cannon, 
also, that the small ships of the English tvere destroyed. The 
English then resolved to place the Jesus between the fort and 
the Minion, and at night to tranship all the provisions and 
necessaries from the former into the latter, and to leave the 
Jesus behind. But the Spaniards set fire to two of their large 
ships, and let them drive down upon those of the English. 

“ Upon this,” says Hawkins, “ the men on board the Minion, without either 
the captain’s or master’s consent, set sail in such a hurry and confusion, that 
it w r as not without great difficulty I was received on board.” 

Miles Philips, one of the unfortunate men who had been put 
on shore, gives a more detailed account. He says, 

“ The Minion, which had somewhat before prepared herself to avoid the 
danger, hauled away, and abode the first brunt of the 300 men that were in 
the great hulke ; then they sought to fall on board the Jesus, where was a 
cruel fight, and many of our men slain; but yet our men defended them¬ 
selves and kept them out; for the Jesus also got loose, and joyning with the 



CRAP. I.] 


TO THE WEST INDIES. 


9 


Minion, the fight waxed liote upon all sides; but they having won and got 
our ordinance did greatly annoy us. In this fighte there were two great 
shippes of the Spaniards sunke, and one burnte, so that with their shippes 
they were not able to harme us, but from the shore they beat us cruelly with 
our own ordinance in such sort that the Jesus was very sore spoyled, and 
suddenly the Spaniards, having fired two great shippes of their owne, they 
came directly against us, which bred among our men a marvellous feare. 
Howbeit the Minion, which had made her sayles ready, shifted for herself, 
without consent of the Generali, captaine, or master, so that very hardly our 
Generali could be received into the Minion, and those which the small boat 
was not able to receive were most cruelly slain by the Spaniardes. 

“ Of our shippes none escaped saving the Minion and the Judith; and all 
such of our men as were not in them were inforced to abide the tyrannous 
cruelty of the Spaniards. For it is a certain trueth, that whereas they had 
taken certaine of our men ashore, they took and hung them up by the armes, 
upon high postes, until the blood burst out of their fingers’ ends : of'which 
men so used, there is one Copston and certaine others yet alive, who by the 
merciful providence of the Almighty were long since arrived here in 
England, carrying still about with them (and shall go to their graves) the 
marks and tokens of those their inhuman and more than barbarous cruell 
dealings.” * 

Thus the Minion, with only one small bark of fifty tons, the 
Judith (Drake’s ship), escaped the treachery of the Spaniards: 

“ But,” says Hawkins, “ the same night the Judith likewise forsook us. 
We were now left alone, with only two anchors and two cables, our ship so 
damaged that it was as much as we could do to keep her above water, and a 
great number of us with very little provisions. We were besides divided in 
opinion what to do. Some were for yielding to the Spaniards, others chose 
rather to submit to the mercy of the savages; and again, others thought it 
more eligible to keep the sea, though with so scanty an allowance of victualls 
as would hardly suffice to keep us alive. 

“ In this miserable plight we ranged an unknown sea for fourteen days, 
till extreme famine obliged us to seek for land. So great was our misery 
that hides were reckoned good food; rats, cats, mice, and dogs, none escaped 
us that we could lay our hands on: parrots and monkeys were our dainties. 
In this condition we came to land on the 8th of October, at the bottom of the 
bav of Mexico, where we hoped to have found inhabitants of the Spaniards, 
reliefe of victuals, and a proper place to repair our ship. But we found 
every thing just contrary to our expectation; neither inhabitants, nor pro¬ 
visions, nor a haven for the repair of our ship. Many of our men, never¬ 
theless, being worn out with hunger, desired to be set on shore, to which I 
consented; and such as were willing to land I put them apart, and such as 
were desirous to go homewards I put apart; so that they were indifferently 


* Narrative of Miles Philips, given by Hakluyt. 





10 


EXPEDITION OF HAWKINS 


[chap. I. 


posted, a hundred on one side, and a hundred on the other side. These 
hundred men we set a-land with all diligence in this little place, before said, 
which being landed, we determined there to take in fresh water, and so with 
our little remains of victuals to take the sea. 

“ Of about two hundred souls which we then were, one hundred chose to 
seek their fortune on land, on which they were set with great difficulty; and 
with the remainder, after having watered, I again submitted to the mercy of 
the seas, and set sail on the 16th of October.” 

Hawkins himself and his companions were first endangered by 
a vehement storm ; after that, by famine : many of his men died ; 
and the rest, from weakness, being unable to manage the ship, 
entered Ponte Vedra, near Vigo, to obtain fresh meat: there also 
many of them died ; and, for fear of being a second time be¬ 
trayed by the Spaniards, he again put to sea, and arrived in 
England on the 25th of January, 156f. 

“ If,” says Hawkins, in concluding his narrative, “all the miseries and 
troubles of this melancholy voyage were to be completely and thoroughly 
written, it would require a laborious man with his pen, and as much time as 
the author had, who wrote the lives and deaths of the Martyrs.” 

.* t 

The following is a copy of a letter in the State Paper Office, 
from Hawkins, announcing his arrival in England from this 
disastrous voyage :— 

25tli January 1568. 

Right Honorable, my dewty most humbly consydered: yt 
may please your honor to be advertysed that the 25th day of Januarii 
(thanks be to God) we aryved in a place in Cornewall called Mounts bay, 
onelie with the Minyon which is left us of all our flet, & because I wold not 
in my letters be prolyxe, after what maner we came to our dysgrace, I have 
sent your honor here inclosed some part of the circumstance, and althoughe 
not all our meserves that hath past yet the greatest matters worthye of 
notynge, but yf I shold wryt of all our calamytyes I am seure a volome as 
great as the byble wyll scarcelie suffyce: all which thyngs I most humblie 
beseeche your honour to advertyse the Queen’s Majestie & the rest of the 
counsell (soch'as you shall thinke mette). 

Our voiage was, although very hardly, well acheived & brought to reson- 
able passe, but now a great part of our treasure, merchandyze, shippinge and 
men devoured by the treason of the Spanyards. I have not moche or any 
thynge more to advertyse your honour, nore the rest, because all our business 
hath had infelycytye, mysfortune, and an unhappy end, & therefore wyll 
troble the Queen’s Majestie, nor the rest of my good lords with soch yll 
newes. But herewith pray your honour eftsoons to impart to soch as you 
shall thynke mete the sequell of our busyness. 

I mynd with God’s grace to make all expedicyon to London myselfe, a fc 



CHAP. I.] 


TO THE WEST INDIES. 


11 


what tyme I shall declare more of our esstate that ys here omytted. Thus 
prayinge to God for your Honours prosperous estate take my leave: from the 
Mynion the 25th day of Januarii 1568. 

four’s most humbly to command, 

(Signed) John Hawkins. 

To the Ryght Honorable Sir Wm Cycylle Knighte, & Principal Secretaire 
to the Queen’s Majestie, gyve this. 

No mention whatever is made of the Judith, nor does the 
name of Drake once occur in Hawkins’ account of this unfor 
tunate voyage; there are, however, detached accounts of it in 
which Drake is represented as having done wonders with the 
little Judith. 

Regarding the hundred men who were put on shore, and the 
sufferings they underwent from the Indians and Spaniards, the 
industry of Hakluyt and Purchas has collected many particulars. 
The accounts given by these men on their return to England of 
the miseries they had undergone, and of the horrid cruelties 
practised upon many of them by the Inquisition, tended greatly 
to arouse a spirit of indignation against the whole Spanish 
nation. The following account of the affair at St. Jean d’Ulloa 
was given by Job Horton, one of the sufferers who returned to 
England on the 2nd day of December, 1590. It is extracted 
from Hakluyt. 

“ From Cartagena, by foule weather, wee were forced to seeke the port of 
Saint John de Ulloa. In our way thwart of Campeche we met with a 
Spaniard, a small ship who was bound for Santo Domingo; he had in him a 
Spaniard called Augustine de Villa Neuva; them we took and brought with 
us into the port of Saint John de Ulloa. Our Generali made great account 
of him, and used him like a nobleman; howbeit in the ende he was one of 
them that betrayed. When wee had mored our ships and landed, wee 
mounted the ordinance that wee found there in the Ilande, and for our 
safeties kept watch and warde. The next day after wee discovered the 
Spanish fleete, whereof Luqon, a Spanyard, was Geiserallwith him came a 
Spaniard called Don Martin Henriquez. whom the King of Spain sent to be 
his viceroy of the Indies. He sent a pinnesse with a flag of truce unto our 
Generali, to knowe of what countrie those shippes were that rode there in 
the King of Spaine’s port; who sayd they were the Queene of England’s 
ships, which came in there for victuals for their money ; wherefore if your 
Generali will come in here, he shall give me victuals and all other neces¬ 
saries, and I will goe out on the one side the port, and he shall come in on 
the other side. The Spanyard returned for answere, that he was a viceroy 
and had a thousand men, and therefore he would come in. Our Generali 





12 


EXPEDITION OF HAWKINS 


[chap. I. 


sayd, If he he a viceroy I represent my Queene’s person, and I am a viceroy 
as well as he: and if he have a thousand men, my powder and shot will take 
the better place. 

“ Then the viceroy, after counsell among themselves, yeelded to our 
General’s demand, swearing by his king and his crowne, by his commission 
and authority that he had from his king, that hee would perforate it, and 
thereupon pledges were given on both parts. 

“ Our Generali bearing a godly and Christian minde, voyde of fraude and 
deceit, judged the Spanyards to have done the like, delivered to them five 
gentlemen, not doubting to have received the like from them ; but the faith- 
lesse Spanyardes, in costly apparell gave of the basest of their company, as 
afterwardes it was well knowen. These things finished, proclamation was 
made on both sides that on payne of death no occasion should be given 
whereby any quarrel should grow to the breach of the league, and then they 
peaceably entered the port with great triumph on both sides. 

“ The Spanyards presentli brought a great hulke, a ship of five hundred, 
and mored her by the side of the Minion, and they cut out ports in their other 
ships, planting their ordinance towardes us; in the night they filled the 
hulke with men, to lay the Minion aboord, as the sequel did shew, which made 
our Generali doubtful of their dealings; wherefore, for that he could speake 
the Spanish tongue, he sent Robert Barret aboord the viceroy to know his 
meaning in those dealings, who willed him with his company to come in to 
him, whom he commanded presently to be set in the bilbowes, and forthwith 
a cornet (for a watch-word among the false Spaniards) was sounded for the 
enterprising of their pretended treason against our Generali, whom Augus¬ 
tine de Villa Neuva, sitting at dinner with him, should then presently have 
killed with a poynarde, which hee had privily in his sleeve, which was 
espyed and prevented by one John Chamberlayne, who tooke the poynarde 
< ut of his sleeve. Our Generali hastily rose up, and commanded him to be 
put prisoner in the steward’s roome (and to be kept with two men). 

“ The faithlesse Spanyards, thinking all things to their desire had been 
finished, suddenly sounded a trumpet, and therewith three hundred Spanyards 
entred the Minion; whereat our Generali with a loude and fierce voyce 
called unto us, saying, ‘ God and Saint George! upon those traiterous vil- 
laines, and rescue the Minion: I trust in God the day shall be oursand 
with that the mariners and souldiers leapt out of the Jesus of Lubeck into the 
Minion, and beat out the Spaniards; and with a shot out of her fiered the 
Spaniards’ Vice Admiral,* where the most part of 300 Spanyards were 
spoyled and blowen over-boord with powder. Their Admirall * also was on 
fire halfe an houre 

We cut our cables, wound off our ships, and presently fought with them: 
they came up upon us on every side, and continued the fight from ten of the 
clocke until it was night: they killed all our men that were on shore in the 
iland saving three, which, by swimming, got aboord the Jesus of Lubeck. 


* In those days the two chief ships were so called. 




CHAP. 1.1 


TO THE WEST INDIES. 


13 


They sunke the Generali’s ship called the Angel, and tooke the Swallow. 
The Spaniards’ Admirall had above threescore shot through her: many of 
his men were spoyled : foure other of their ships were sunke. There were 
in that fleete and that came from the shore to rescue them, fifteene hundred: 
we slew of them five hundred and fortie, as we were credibly informed by a 
note that came to Mexico. 

“ In this fight the Jesus of Lubeck had five shotte through her mayne- 
mast; her foremast was strooke in sunder under the hounds, with a chayne 
shotte, and her hull was wonderfully pearced with shotte: therefore it was 
impossible to bring her away. They set two of their owne shippes on fire, 
intending therewith to have burnt the Jesus of Lubeck, which we prevented 
by cutting our cables in the halse, and winding off by our sternefast. The 
Minion was forced to set saile and stand off from us, and come to an anker 
without shot of the iland. 

“ Our Generali couragiously cheered up his souldiers and gunners, and 
called to Samuel his page for a cup of beere, who brought it him in a silver 
cup; and hee, drinking to all men, willed the gunners to stand by their ordi¬ 
nance lustily like men. He had no sooner set the cup out of his hand but a 
demy culverin shot stroke away the cup, and a cooper’s plane that stoode by 
the mainemast, and ranne out on the other side of the ship; which nothing 
dismayed our Generali, for he ceased not to incourage us, saying, ‘ Feare 
nothing; for God, who hath preserved me from this shot, will also deliver us 
from these traitours and villaines.’ Then Captaine Bland, meaning to have 
turned out of the port, had his mainemast stroke over boord with a chaine 
shot that came from the shore; wherefore he ankered, fired his ship, tooke 
his pinnesse with all his men, and came aboord the Jesus of Lubeck to our 
Generali, who said unto him that he thought he would not have runne away 
from him: he answered that he w as not minded to have runne away from 
him, but his intent was to have turned up, and to have laid the weathermost 
ship of the Spanish fleete aboord, and fired his ship, in hope therewith to 
have set on fire the Spanish fleete. He said if he had done so he had done 
well. With this, night came on. Our Generali commanded the Minion, for 
safeguard of her masts, to be brought under the Jesus of Lubeck’s lee: he 
willed M. Francis Drake to come in with the Judith, and to lay the Minion 
aboord, to take in men and other things needefull, and to goe out; and so he 
did. 

At night, when the wind came off the shore, we set sayle, and went out 
in despite of the Spanyards and their shot, where we ankered with two ankers 
under the island, the wind being northerly, which was wonderfull dangerous, 
and wee feared every houre to be driven with the lee shore. In the end, 
when the wind came larger, we waied anker and set saile, seeking the river 
of Panuco for water, whereof we had very little ; and victuals were so scarce 
that we were driven to eate hides, cats, rats, parrats, munkies, and dogges. 
Wherefore our Generali was forced to divide his company into two parts, for 
there was a mutinie among them for want of victuals; and some said that 
they had rather be on the shore to shift for themselves amongst the enemies, 
than to starve on ship-boord. 








u 


EXPEDITION OF HAWKINS. 


[chap. I. 


He asked them who would go on shore, and who would tarry on ship- 
boord ? Those that would goe on shore, he willed to goe on fore mast, and 
those that would tarrie, on baft mast: fourescore and sixteene of us were 
willing to depart. 

“ Our Generali gave unto every one of us five yards of Roane cloth, and 
money to them that demanded it. When we were landed, he came unto us, 
where, friendly embracing every one of us, he was greatly grieved that he 
was forced to leave us behind him; he counselled us to serve God, and to 
love one another; and thus courteously he gave us a sorrowfull farewell, and 
promised if God sent him safe home he would do what he could, that so 
many of us as lived should by some means be brought into England (and so 
he did).” 




CHAT. II.J 


DRAKE’S EXPEDITION. 


15 


CHAPTER II. 

THIRD VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES AND THE SPANISH 

MAIN.* 

1572—1573. 

State of England and Spain—Revised Relation of this Voyage by Drake 
himself—Arrive at Port Pheasant—Symerons—Transactions at Nombrc 
de Dios—The Treasury and Governor’s house—Drake wounded—Return 
to their ships at the Isle of Pinos—Cartagena—Capture a great ship of 
Seville—Drake destroys his own ship the Swan—Takes several vessels— 
Arrives at Port Plenty—Drake leaps on shore at Cartagena—John Drake 
slain—Sickness in the crew—Death of Joseph Drake—Attempt to reach 
Panama by land—Disappointment—Drake is led to a great tree—Dis¬ 
covers the South Sea, and makes a solemn vow—Vasco de Balboa—Re¬ 
turns to England—Sir Wm. Davenant’s Drama. 

The treacherous and unjust conduct of the Spaniards towards 
the unfortunate adventurers in the voyage detailed in the pre¬ 
ceding chapter, and to other traders to the West Indies and the 
coasts of the Spanish Main, roused a flame of indignation in 
England, more especially among the mercantile and seafaring 
community; and the cry for vengeance and retribution was 
loudly expressed against these tyrants of the New World. 
Elizabeth was well disposed to encourage adventurers desirous 
of sharing in the riches extorted by Spain from Mexico and 
Peru; nor was she unwilling to chastise Philip, who was em¬ 
ploying every means in his power to seduce her subjects from 
their religion and allegiance; but the circumstances of the times 
made it inexpedient to commit the nation to anything that could 
be construed into a direct act of aggression. The two sovereigns 
were to each other in a state of peaceable animosity, each 
“ willing to wound, but yet afraid to strike.” Elizabeth was a 
staunch Protestant; Philip the slave of the Pope and the tool 

* So called by Sir F. Drake (the nephew), but it is in fact Drake’s Fifth 
Voyage to the West Indies. 





16 


DRAKE’S EXPEDITION. 


[CIIAP. IT. 


of priests, Jesuits, and inquisitors. But it was not the policy of 
England to risk hostilities at home or abroad. The power of 
Spain was colossal, and the extent of her dominions both at home 
and abroad immense. At home, it embraced a sea-coast extending 
from the Mediterranean to the Netherlands, except that portion 
which belonged to France; abroad, the West India Islands, and 
two-thirds of the vast continent of America, were under her 
control; and her galleons traded even to the East Indies. 

The naval and military forces of England were small in com¬ 
parison with those of Spain ; her ships greatly inferior in point 
of magnitude; and the want of colonies had checked her mer¬ 
cantile marine. 

The particulars of Drake’s voyage to the West Indies, the 
great object of which was to visit Nombre de Dios , then the 
storehouse and shipping place for the immense quantities of gold 
and silver obtained by Spain from Peru and Mexico, have been 
related by several of the old historians, Camden, Hakluyt, 
Purchas, Strype, &c.: but the details given in the following 
pages are chiefly taken from the small quarto volume entitled 
‘Sir Francis Drake Revived/ published in 1626 by Sir Francis 
Drake, the nephew of the great admiral. The title and dedi¬ 
cation of this volume, which has now become extremely rare, 
are curious. The title is as follows :— 

“ Sir Francis Drake Revived, Calling upon this dull or effemi¬ 
nate AGE TO FOLOWE HIS NOBLE STEPS FOR GoLDE & SILVER, BY THIS 
MEMORABLE RELATION OF THE RARE OCCURRANCES (NEVER YET DECLARED 
TO THE AVORLD) IN A THIRD A'OYAGE MADE BY HIM INTO THE WEST INDIES, 
IN THE YEARS 1572 AND 1573. FAITHFULLY TAKEN OUT OF THE REPORTE 
of Mr. Christopher Ceely, Ellis, Hixon, and others, who were in 

THE SAME AOYAGE AVITH HIM, BY PHILIP NlCHOLS, PREACHER. ReVIEAVED 

also by Sir Francis Drake himselfe before his death, and much 

HOLPEN AND ENLARGED, BY DIVERS NOTES, AVITH HIS OAVNE HAND, HERE 
AND THERE INSERTED. 


DEDICATION. 

“ To THE HIGn AND MIGHTY CHARLES THE FlRST OF GREAT BRITAIN, 
France, and Ireland, King, all the blessings of this and a better 

LIFE. 

“ Most Gracious Soveraigne, 

“ That this briefe treatise is yours, both by right and by succession, will 
appeare by the Author’s and Actor’s ensewing dedication. To praise either 




CHAP. Il.J 


TO THE SPANISH MAIN. 


17 


the Mistress or the Servant, might justly incurre the censure of Quis eos 
unquam sanus vituperavit; either’s worth having sufficiently blazed their 
fame. This present loseth nothing by glancing on former actions, and the 
observation of passed adventures may probably advantage future imploy- 
ments 5 Csesar writte his owne Commentaries, and this Doer was partly y e . 
Inditor: neither is there wanting living testimony to confirme its trueth; for 
his sake then cherish what’s good and I shall willingly entertaine check for 
what’s amisse: Your favourable acceptance may incourage my collecting of 
more neglected notes, however, though vertue (as Lands) be not inheritable, 
yet has he left of his name one that resolves, and therein joyes to approve 
himself 

“ Your most humble 
“ And loyall 
“ Subject, 

“ Fra : Drake (nephew).” 

Then follows a letter from the admiral to Queen Elizabeth : — 

“To THE QUEENE’S MOST EXCELLENT Ma tib : 

“ My Most dread Soveraigne, 

“ Madam, Seeing diverse have diverslie reported and written of these 
voyages and actions, which I have atempted and made, every one endea- 
vouniige to bring to light whatsoever Incklings or Conjectures they have 
had, whereby many untruthes have been published, and the certaine trueth 
concealed, as I have thought it necessary myselfe, as in a Card, to prick the 
principall points of the Counsails taken, attempts made, and successe had, 
during the whole course of my employment in these services against the 
Spaniard, not as setting saile for maintayning my reputation in men’s judg¬ 
ment, but onlie as sitting at Helme, if occasion shall be, for conducting the 
like actions hereafter: So I have accounted it my dutie to present this 
discourse to your Ma tie as of right, either for itselfe being the first fruits of 
your Servants Penne, or for the matter, being service done to your Ma ,ie by 
your poor Vassail, against your great Enemy, at such tymes, in such places, 
and after such sorte, as may seeme strange to those that are not acquainted 
with the whole cariage thereof, but will be a pleasing remembrance to your 
highnes, who take th’ apparent height of th’ Almighties favour toward you 
by these events, as truest Instruments, humbly submitting myself to your 
gracious censure, both in writing and presenting, that Posteritie be not 
deprived of such helpe as may hapilie be gained thereby, and our present 
Age at least may be satisfied in the rightfulnes of these Actions, which 
hitherto have bin silenced, and your servants labour not seeme altogether 
lost, but only in travell by sea and land, but also in writing the Report 
thereof, a worke to him no lesse troublesome, yet made pleasant and sweete, 
in that it hath bin, is, and shall be, for your Ma ts content, to whom I have 
devoted myselfe, live or die. 

“ Fra : Drake. 

“ Jan: I. 

“ 1592.” 


C 




18 


DRAKE’S EXPEDITION 


[chap. ii. 


The narrative commences thus: 

“ As there is a general vengeance which secretlie pursueth the doers of 
wrong, and suffereth them not to prosper, albeit no man of purpose impeach 
them: Soe there is a particular indignation ingraffed in the bosome of all 
that are wronged, which ceaseth not seeking by all meanes possible to re- 
dresse or remedie the wrong received, in so much that those great and 
mighty men, in whom their prosperous estate hath bredde such an over¬ 
weening of themselves that they do not onlie wronge their Inferiours, but 
despise them, being injured, seeme to take a verie unfitt course for their own 
safety and farre unfitter for their rest. For as tEsop teacheth, Even y e Fly 
hath her spleene, and the Emmet is not without her choller: and both 
together many tymes finde meanes, whereby though the Eagle lay her Eggs 
in Jupiter’s lappe, yet by one way or other she escapeth not requital of her 
wrong done to the Emmet. 

“ Among the manifold examples hereof which former ages have committed 
to memorie, or our tyme yealded to sight, I suppose there hath not bin any 
more notable then this in hand, either in respect of the greatness of the 
Person by whom the first Injurie was offered; or the meanenes of him who 
righteth himself: the one being (in his owne conceit) the mightiest Monarch 
of all the world; the other an English Captaine, a meane subject of her 
Majesties, who, (besides the wronges received at Rio da Hacha with 
Captaine John Lovell in the years 65 and 66:) having bin grievously in- 
damaged at St. John de Ulloa in the Bay of Mexico with Captaine 
John Hawkins in the years 67: and 68: not only in the losse of his goods 
of some value, but also of his kinsmen and friends, and that by the falsehood 
of Don Martin Henriquez then the Vice Roy of Mexico, and finding that 
no recompence could be recovred out of Spaine by any of his owne meanes 
or by her Maiesties letters: he used such help as he might by two severall 
voyages into the West Indies ; the first with two ships, the one called the 
Dragon, the other the Swanne, in the year 70: The other in the Swanne 
alone, in the yeare 71: to gaine such intelligence as might further him to 
get some amende for his losse: And having in those two voyages gotten such 
certaine notice of the persons and places aymed at, as he thought requisite, 
and thereupon with good deliberation resolved on a third voyage (the de¬ 
scription whereof wee have now in hand), he accordinglie prepared his ships 
and companie, and then taking the first opportunity of a goode winde had 
such successe in his proceedings, as now follows further to be declared. 

“ On Whitson Eve, being the 24th of May in the yeare 1572, Captaine 
Drake in the Pascha of Plymouth of 70 Tonnes, his Admirall, with the 
Swanne of the same Porte of 25 Tonnes, his Vice-Admirall, in which his 
brother John Drake was Captaine, having in both of them, in men, and 
boyes, 73: all voluntarilie assembled, of which the eldest man was 50: all 
the rest under 30; so divided that there were 47 in one ship and 26 in the 
other, both richlie furnished with victuals and apparel for a whole yeare: 
and no lesse heedefully provided of all manner of Munition, Artillery, stuffe 
and tooles that were requisite for such a man of Warre, in such an attempte, 



CHAP. II.] 


TO THE SPANISH MAIN 


19 


but especiallie having three daintie Pinnaces made in Plimouth, taken 
asonder all in pieces, and stowed aboard, to be set up (as occasion served), set 
saile from out of the Sound of Plymouth with intent to land at Nombre de 
Dios.” 

On the 2nd of July they came in sight of the high land of 
Santa Martha, and directed their course to Port Pheasant, 

“ Which,” says the narrative, “ our Captaine had so named it in his former 
voyage, by reason of the great store of those goodlie foules, which hee and 
his companie did then dailie kill and feede on in that place. When we 
landed here, we found by evident marks that there had been latelie there 
an Englishman of Plimouth called John Garrett, who had been conducted 
thither by certaine English Mariners which had been there with our Captain 
in some of his former voyages, who on a plate of lead, fastened to a very 
great tree, greater than any foure men joyning hands could fathom about, 
left these words engraven: 

“ Captain Drake, If you fortune to come into this port make haste away; 
for the Spaniards which you had with you here last year have betrayed this 
place, and taken away all that you left here. I departed hence this present 
7th July, 1572. “ Your very loving friend, 

“ John Garret.” 

Notwithstanding this warning, Captain Drake resolved to put 
together his pinnaces in this convenient port: this work was 
finished in seven days. 

“ Here he fortified himself on a plot of three-quarters of an acre of ground 
to make some safety for the present, by felling of great trees and bowsing 
and trailing them together with great pullies and halsers, until they were 
enclosed to the water, and then letting other fall upon them, until they had 
raised with trees and boughs thirty foot in height round about, leaving only 
one gate to issue at, neare the water side, which every night was shut up, 
with a great tree drawne athwart it. 

“ The next day after we had arrived, there came also into that bay an 
English barque of the Isle of Wight, of Sir Edward Horsey’s, wherein 
James Pause was captaine, and John Overy maister, with 30 men, of which 
some had bin with our captaine in this same place the year before. They 
brought in with them a Spanish carvell of Sevill which he had taken the 
daie before, also one shallop with oares which he had taken at Cape Blanche. 
This Captaine Rause, understanding our Captaine’s purpose, was desirous to 
joyne in consort with him, and was received on conditions agreed upon be¬ 
tween them. 

“22nd July. Drake disposing thereof all his companies according as 
they enclined most, he left the three ships and the Carvell with Cap: Rause 
and chose into his four pinnaces (Cap: Rause’s shallop made the fourth) 
besides 53 of his own men, 20 to atchieve what he intended, especially having 
proportioned, according to his owne purpose, and the men’s disposition, their 
severall armes : namely, 6 Targetts; G Fire Pikes ; 12 Pikes; 24 Muskets 
and Callivers; 1G Bowes and 6 Partizans; 2 Drums and 2 Trumpets.” 

c 2 




20 


DRAKE’S EXPEDITION 


[chap. II. 


With this force he set out for Nombre de Dios; and reached 
the Isles of Pinos on the 22nd of July. Here he met with cer¬ 
tain black men who had fled from the Spaniards their masters, 
and were known by the name of Symerons, who had enrolled 
themselves under two kings or chiefs. Drake, thinking these 
people might be of service to him, set them on shore on the main 
land, that they might make their way to the Isthmus of Darien. 

These Symerons were not negroes, but the native Indians of 
this part of the continent, who had fled from their tyrannical per¬ 
secutors ; they were not very dissimilar either in manners or cha¬ 
racter to the maroons of Jamaica; but in the latter there was a 
mixture of the negro race. 

Drake came silently and by night before Nombre de Dios ; 
and finding his people were talking of the greatness of the town, 
and what its strength was, according to the report of the negroes 
whom they took at the Isle of Pinos, thought it best to put these 
conceits out of their heads at once, and therefore took the oppor¬ 
tunity of the rising moon to persuade his people that it was the 
dawn of day. 

“ By this occasion we were at the towne, a longe hower sooner than was 
first purposed. For we arrived there by three of the clock after midnight; 
at what time it fortuned that a ship of Spaine of sixtie tunnes, laden with 
Canary wines and other commodities, which had but lately come into the 
Bay, and had not yet furled her sprit-sayle, espying our foure Pinnaces, sent 
away her Gundeloe towards the towne to give warning.” 

Drake perceiving this, took his course between her and the 
town, and forced her to go to the other side of the bay ; by which 
means they landed without opposition, although they found one 
gunner upon the platform. 

“ On landing on the platform, we found six great pieces of brass ordi¬ 
nance mounted upon their carriages, some demy, some whole Culverins: 
we presentlie dismounted them, the Gunner fledd, the Towne tooke Alarum, 
(being verie ready thereto by reason of their often disquieting by their neare 
neighbours the Symerons,) as we perceived not onelie by the noise and cryes 
of the people, but by the Bell ringing out, and drums runninge up anddowne 
the towne. Our Captaine sent some of our men to stay the ringing of the 
Alarum bell, which had continued all this while, but the Church being verie 
strongly built, and faste shutte. they could not without firing (which our 

’’•aptaine forbad) get into the steeple where the Bell hung.” 

In the market-place the Spaniards saluted the party with a 



CIIAP. II.J 


TO THE SPANISH MAIN. 


21 


volley of shot: Drake returned the greeting with a flight of 
arrows, “ the best ancient English compliments,” says Prince. 
This drove them away, but he himself received a dangerous 
wound ; which he courageously concealed for a long time, “ know¬ 
ing, if the general's heart stoops, the men’s will tail; and that if 
so bright an opportunity once setteth, it seldom riseth again.” 
He left twelve of his men to keep their pinnaces and secure 
their retreat, and having strengthened the port, sent the rest to 
reconnoitre the town. He then commanded his brother and 
John Oxenham with sixteen men to go above the King’s Trea¬ 
sure-house, and enter near the east end of the market-place, he 
himself designing to march with the rest up the broad street, 
with trumpets sounding and drums beating, to the market-place, 
the fire-pikes being divided between ooth companies, which 
whilst they affrighted the enemy gave light to the English. 
After a skirmish with the Spaniards, they seized upon two or 
three, and compelled them to conduct them to the Governor’s 
house; where usually all the mules, which brought the king’s 
treasure from Panama, were unladen, though the silver only was 
kept there, the gold, pearls, and jewels being carried to the 
Treasury hard by. 

Drake and his party then went to the Governor’s house, and 
found the door open, a fine Spanish horse ready saddled, and a 
candle lighted on the stairs; by means of this light they saw a 
vast heap of silver in the lower room, consisting of bars piled 
up against the wall; as nearly as they could guess, seventy feet 
in length, ten in breadth, and twelve in height, each bar between 
thirty-five and forty pounds’ weight. If this estimate be correct, 
the value of the heap must have been about a million sterling. 
He next proceeded to the King’s Treasure-house, telling his 
people— 

“ That he had now brought them to the mouth of the Treasury of 
the World; which if they did not gain, none but themselves were to be 
blamed.” 

After this, he ordered his brother, with John Oxenham and 
their company, to break open the Treasure-house ; whilst he with 
the rest kept possession of the market-place; but as he stepped 
forward, his strength, and sight, and speech failed him, and he 
fainted from loss of blood. At this his men were greatly dis- 



22 


DRAKE’S EXPEDITION 


[chap. II. 


tressed, and giving him somewhat to drink to revive him, they 
bound up his wound with his scarf, and urged him to leave the 
place. On his refusing to do so, they added force to their en¬ 
treaties, and carried him to his pinnace. 

“ Divers of his men, besides himself, were wounded, though but one, and 
he a trumpeter, slain. Many of them got good booty before they left the 
place. But the wines in a Spanish ship, which they found in the harbour, 
they took along with them for the relief of their Captain and themselves. 
They carried off their prize to an island, which they called the Island of 
Victuals, where they staid two days to cure their wounded men, and refresh 
themselves in the gardens they found there, abounding with all sorts of roots, 
fruits, poultry, and other fowls no less strange than delicate.” 

During their short stay there, an officer belonging to the gar¬ 
rison came to visit them, protesting that his coming was only to 
see and admire the courage of those who, with so small a force, 
had made so incredible an attempt. They had reason, however, 
for believing that his visit was made by the direction of the 
governor; for he asked them whether the commander was the 
same Captain Drake who had been on their coast the two pre¬ 
ceding years : he inquired also whether their arrows, with which 
many of the Spaniards had been wounded, were poisoned, and 
how the wounds might be cured. Drake made answer, 

“ That he was the same Drake they meant; that it was never his custom 
to poison arrows; that their wounds might be cured with ordinary remedies ; 
and that he wanted only some of that excellent commodity, gold and silver, 
which that country yielded, for himself and his company; and that he was 
resolved, by the help of God, to reap some of the golden harvest, which they 
got out of the earth, and then sent into Spain to trouble all the world. 

“To this answer, unlooked for, this gentleman replied, £ If he might 
without offence move such a question, what should then be the cause of our 
departure from that town at this time, where there was above 360 tonnes of 
silver ready for the Fleet, and much more gold in value resting in iron chests 
in the King’s Treasure House ?’ 

“ But when our Captain had showed him the true cause of his unwilling 
retreat on board, he acknowledged that we had no less reason in departing 
than courage in attempting. 

“ Thus with great favour and courteous entertainment, besides such gifts 
from the Captain as most contented him, after dinner he was in such sort 
dismissed to make report of that he had seen, that he protested he was never 
honoured so much of any in his life.” 

After a short rest at this place, Drake proceeded to the Isle 
of Pinos, where he had left his ships under the charge of Captain 



CHAP. II.j 


TO THE SPANISH MAIN. 


23 

Rawse; who, being unwilling to continue the enterprise, now 
that they had been discovered by the enemy, was remunerated 
by Drake for his services; and they parted on the 7th of August. 

The General now dispatched his brother and Ellis Hixon to 
examine the River Chagre, where he had been the year before, 
but of which he wished to have some further knowledge. On 
their return, he departed with his two ships and three pinnaces 
for Cartagena, where he arrived on the 13th; and the same day 
took two Spanish ships, one of 240 tons. 

Here he came to anchor in seven fathoms water, between the 
Island of Caresha and St. Barnard’s. He led the three pin¬ 
naces round the island into the harbour of Cartagena, where, at 
the very entrance, he found a frigate at anchor, with only one 
man on board, the rest of the crew having gone ashore to fight 
about some fair lady. This man inadvertently revealed to Drake 
chat, two hours before, there had passed by them a pinnace, with 
sail set, and rowing as fast as they could; that the men on board 
asked them whether there had been any English or French there 
lately ? and upon being told that none had been seen, they bid 
them look to themselves. 

From this account, combined with other circumstances, Drake 
perceived that he was discovered : but as he learned from the 
same man that there was a large ship from Seville which was 
preparing to sail on the morrow for St. Domingo, he resolved to 
capture it; and this he did with little difficulty. As the presence 
of his ships was now known at two of the most important places 
on the coast, Drake abandoned his intended attack in this quarter ; 
and turned his attention to opening a communication with the 
Symerons : but perceiving that the success of all his future efforts 
must depend on the efficient state of his pinnaces, and that he 
had not a sufficient number of sailors to man them fully, in addi¬ 
tion to the crews necessary for his two ships, he came to the bold 
determination of destroying one of the two, the Swan. But 
knowing the affection of the men for their ships, he was aware 
that some artifice must be used to accomplish this. He there¬ 
fore sent for Thomas Moone, the carpenter of the Swan, and 
taking him into his cabin, and speaking to him privately, ordered 
him, in the middle of the second watch, to go down secretly into 
the well of the ship, and with a large spike-gimlet to bore three 





24 


DRAKE’S EXPEDITION 


[chap. II 


holes, as near to the keel as lie could, laying something against 
them, that the rushing of the water might not be heard. 

Thomas Moone, although not without much dismay and un¬ 
willingness, consented to do so, and kept his promise. 

The next morning, August 15, Drake went out early in his 
pinnace fishing ; and, after inviting his brother to accompany him, 
inquired with a careless air, “ Why their ship was so deep in the 
water?” Upon this the steward, going hastily down, found 
himself at once up to the waist in water; and in great alarm 
cried out that “ the ship was sinking ! ” 

Immediate recourse was had to the pumps; but, of course, 
to no purpose : and, after many hours’ labour, the crew willingly 
acceded to Drake’s proposal, set the poor Swan on fire, and went 
on board the pinnace. 

The next day they resolved to seek out a place in the Sound 
of Darien where they might leave their ship at anchor, concealed 
and safe; and by thus leading the Spaniards to believe that they 
had quitted the coast, might the better prosecute their design 
with the pinnaces. 

Accordingly, having reached the Sound in five days, Drake 
selected a convenient spot; and, having cleared away the trees 
and bushes, and erected huts, they remained here fifteen days; 
cleaned their vessels, and took in stores of provisions, which were 
plentiful. To fill up the time, one half the men were allowed 
to amuse themselves alternate days with shooting at the butt, 
quoits, and other sports, whilst the rest worked. 

On the 5th of September, Drake, leaving the ship and one of 
the pinnaces with his brother, proceeded with the other two pin¬ 
naces to the Rio Grande. Here, cruising about between Carta¬ 
gena and Tolon, he took six frigates laden with hogs, hams, 
and maize ; and at the end of three days, having arrived at Port 
Plenty, in the Island of Pinos, he resolved to go with three 
pinnaces to Cartagena, leaving the rest of the men under the 
command of his brother, John Drake, who had succeeded in esta¬ 
blishing a communication with the Symerons. 

On the 16th October he anchored within sight of Cartagena; 
but deemed it not prudent to land : and, on the 20th, the Spa¬ 
niards sent out two frigates without any cargo in them, evidently 
in the hope that Drake would take and man them, and thus weaken 



CHAP. 1X.J 


TO THE SPANISH MAIN 


25 


his small force by dividing it: however, he was not to be thus 
entrapped ; but burnt one of them and sunk the other, in sight of 
two full-manned frigates, which came out, but were soon forced 
to retire. He now sprung on shore from one of his pinnaces, in 
the face of all the troops, which were assembled on the hills and 
hovering in the woods, but were afraid to come within range of 
the shot of his pinnaces. 

“ To leap upon an enemy’s coast,” says Johnson, “ in sight of a superior 
force, only to show how little they were feared, was an act that would in 
these times meet with little applause 5 nor can the general be seriously com¬ 
mended, or rationally vindicated, who exposes his person to destruction, and, 
by consequence, his expedition to miscarriage, only for the pleasure of an idle 
insult, an insignificant bravado. All that can be urged in his defence is, 
that perhaps it might contribute to heighten the esteem of his followers; as 
few men, especially of that class, are philosophical enough to state the exact 
limits of prudery and bravery ; or not to be dazzled with an intrepidity, how 
improperly soever exerted. It may be added, that perhaps the Spaniards, 
whose notions of courage are sufficiently romantic, might look upon him as a 
more formidable enemy, and yield more easily to a hero of whose fortitude 
they had so high an idea.” 

On the 27th of November they returned in their pinnaces to 
the ships, where they found everything in good order, but re¬ 
ceived the heavy news of the death of John Drake, and another 
young man called Richard Allen, who were both slain in 
attempting to board a Spanish vessel. 

“ The manner of their death was this. When they saw the frigate at sea, 
the company were very importunate on John Drake to give chace and set 
upon this frigate, which they deemed had been a fit booty for them, but he 
told them that they wanted weapons to assail: they knew not how the 
frigate was provided; they had their boat laden with planks to finish what 
his brother had commanded. But this would not satisfy them: they still 
urged him with words and supposals; ‘ If ye will needs (said he) adventure, 
it shall never be said that I will be hindmost, neither shall you report to my 
brother that you lost your voyage by any cowardice you found in me.’ 

“ Thereupon every man shifted as he might for the time, and heaving the 
planks overboard, they took such few weapons as they had: namely, a 
broken-pointed rapier, one old fisgee, and a rusty calliver: John Drake took 
the rapier, and made a gauntlet of his pillow : Richard Allen took the fisgee, 
both standing at the head of their pinnace, called the Lion: Robert Cluich took 
the calliver, and so boarded. But they found the frigate armed round about 
with a close fight of hides, full of pikes and callivers, which were discharged 
in their faces, and deadly wounded those that were in the foreship: John 
Drake in his belly, and Richard Allen in his head. But notwithstanding 
their wounds, they, with care, shifted off the pinnace and got clear of the 




2G 


DRAKE’S EXPEDITION 


[chap. II. 


frigate, and with all haste recovered their ship; where, within an hour after 
this, this young man of great hope ended his days, greatly lamented of all 
the company.” 

Early in January, six of the company fell sick, and died 
within two or three days; and at this time there were thirty men 
ill of a calenture, occasioned by a sudden change from cold to 
heat, or from the salt or brackish water procured at the mouth of 
the river, the seamen having been too lazy to go farther up. 

“ Among the rest, Joseph Drake, another of our Captain’s brothers, died 
in our Captain’s arms of the same disease, of which that the cause might be 
the better discerned, and consequently remedied to the relief of others, by 
our Captain’s appointment he was ript open by the surgeon, who found his 
liver swollen, his heart as it were sodden, and his gutts all fair. This was 
the first and last experiment that our Captain made of anatomy in this 
voyage. 

“ The surgeon that cut him up overlived him not past four days, although 
he were not toucht with that sickness of which he had been recovered a 
month before, but only of an overbold practice which he must needs make 
upon himself, by receiving an over-sti’ong purgation of his own device, after 
which, once taken, he never spake; nor did his boy recover the health which 
he lost by tasting it till he saw England. Altogether twenty-eight of our 
men died here.” 

Drake now made his arrangements for proceeding by land to 
Panama. They set out on Shrove Tuesday the 3rd of February, 
leaving only a few sound men to secure the ships and tend the 
prisoners. They were in all forty-eight, being eighteen English, 
and the rest Symerons. In a few days they reached Yenta Cruz. 

The King, or Chief of these people, dwelt in a city sixteen 
leagues south-east of Panama, and was able to raise seventeen 
hundred fighting men. The towns consisted of about sixty 
families; in which, to use Prince’s words, “the people lived 
cleanly and civilly.” 

Drake, having been informed by the Symerons that numerous 
recoes conveying treasure would now be coming across the isth¬ 
mus from Panama, or from Yenta Cruz to Nombre de Dios, set 
out for the purpose of waylaying them on their route. He 
arrived, on the lltli of February, at the top of a very high hill ; 
on the very summit of which grew a tree of great size, from which 
both the North and South Seas could be seen. Here one of 
the chief Symerons, taking Drake by the hand, desired him to 
ascend “ that goodlie and great high tree,” as the manuscript 



CHAP. II.J 


TO THE SPANISH MAIN. 


27 


terms it. Having done so by means of steps cut out in the trunk, 
he found that in the midst of the branches they had constructed 
a convenient arbour, in which twelve men might sit; and from 
thence he clearly discerned both the north and south Atlantic 
Oceans. 

Drake having taken a full view of that sea, of which he had 
heard such ‘ golden reports/ with great solemnity besought God 
“ t0 give him life, arid leave, once to sail an English ship in 
those seasand, adds the historian, “ he was heard in what he 
asked, as will hereafter appear.” Camden gives the following 
account of this discovery : — 

“ Drake,” he says, “ roving for a time up and down in the parts adjoining, 
discerned from the mountains the South Sea. Hereupon the man, being in¬ 
fluenced with ambition of glory and hopes of wealth, was so vehemently 
transported with desire to navigate that sea, that falling down there upon 
his knees, he implored the Divine assistance that he might, at some time or 
other, sail thither and make a perfect discovery of the same; and hereunto 
he bound himself with a vow. From that time forward, his mind was 
pricked on continually night and day to perform his vow.” 

This, however, was not the first discovery of the great South 
Sea. In the year 1513, six years previous to the voyage of 
Magelhaens, Vasco Nunnez de Balboa, a Spanish commander of 
Darien, to verify the intelligence he had received, marched with 
a body of Spaniards and Indian guides across the isthmus. He 
was opposed on the passage by the natives. They demanded 
who the bearded strangers were, what they sought after, and 
whither they were going ? The Spaniards answered, “ They 
were Christians ; that their errand was to preach a new religion, 
and to seek gold ; and that they were going to the Southern Sea.” 
This answer not giving satisfaction, Balboa made his way by 
force. On arriving at the foot of a mountain, from the top of 
which he was informed that the sea he so anxiously wished to 
discover was visible, he ordered his men to halt, and he himself 
ascended alone. As soon as he had attained the summit, he fell 
oil his knees ; and, with uplifted hands, returned thanks to heaven 
for having bestowed on him the honour of being the first Euro¬ 
pean that beheld the sea beyond America. Afterwards, descend¬ 
ing to the sea-shore, in the presence of his followers and of many 
Indians, lie walked up to his middle in the water, with his sword 
and target; and called upon them to bear testimony that he totk 





2S 


DRAKE’S EXPEDITION 


l~CHAP. II 

k- 


possessioii of the South Sea , and all which appertained to it , for 
the King of Castile and Leon. 

A similar account of Balboa’s discovery is given by Southey, 
but in a more solemn and impressive manner: 

“ Falling prostrate on the ground, and raising himself again upon his 
knees, as the manner of the Christians is to pray, lifting up his eyes and 
hands towards heaven, and directing his face towards the new-found South 
Sea, he poured forth his humble and devout prayers before Almighty God, 
as a spiritual sacrifice with thanksgiving, that it pleased his Divine Majesty 
to reserve unto that day the victory and praise of so great a thing unto him, 
being but a man of small wit and knowledge, of little experience, and base 
parentage. And having beckoned his companions to come to him, he again 
fell to his prayers as before, desiring Almighty God and the blessed Virgin 
to favour his beginning, and to give him good success to subdue those lands 
to the glory of his Holy name, and increase of his true religion; all his com¬ 
panions did likewise, and praised God with loud voices for joy. Then 
Vasco, with no less manly courage than Hannibal of Carthage showed his 
soldiers Italy from the promontories of the Alps, exhorted his men to lift up 
their hearts, and to behold the land even now under their feet, and the sea 
before their eyes, which should be unto them a full and just reward of their 
great labours and travails now overpast. When he had said these words, he 
commanded them to raise certain heaps of stones in the stead of altars, for a 
token of possession.”* 

Ramusio says that Vasco, after returning thanks to God and 
all the saints of heaven, addressed himself to the sea itself, 
exclaiming u 0 mare del sur, Rege gli altri mari, fa che placido 
et quieto riceva la mia venuta !” 

When arrived within view of Panama, Drake and his party 
quitted the frequented path, and secreted themselves in a wood 
near the road between Panama and Nombre de Dios. Thence 
Drake sent one of the Symerons, in the dress of a native of 
Panama, to ascertain on what night the recoes were expected. 
These recoes consist of fifty, sixty, or seventy mules laden with 
treasure, and are guarded by a considerable number of armed 
men. The spy soon returned with the information that the 
treasurer of Lima was on his route to Europe, and would pass 
by that very night with eight mules laden with gold, and one 
with jewels. 

On the receipt of this information they immediately marched 
towards Venta Cruz; and Drake, selecting a convenient spot, 

* Southey, from Eden's translation of Peter Martyr. 





CHAP. II.] 


TO THE SPANISH MAIN. 


?9 

ordered his men to lie down in some high grass, half on one side 
of the road and half on the other ; but the one party somewhat in 
advance of the other, so that the first and last of the string of 
mules, all of which are tied together, might be seized at the same 
instant. 

When they had lain thus in ambush for at least an hour, they 
heard the tinkling of the mules’ bells, and the rich prize seemed 
to be within their grasp: but one of the soldiers, heated by 
liquor, in direct disobedience of Drake’s order that no one should 
stir until the signal was given, would needs signalise himself by 
anticipating the victory; and by so doing alarmed one of the 
Spanish gentlemen who was attending the party, and who imme¬ 
diately apprised the treasurer of the danger. The gold and 
jewels were sent back, and the whole country was soon up in 
arms against the English. 

This disappointment was great, and the danger still greater; 
nor can any situation be imagined more calculated to try the 
temper, courage, and judgment of a leader. Drake proved him¬ 
self fully equal to the emergency. Two courses were before 
him: to retreat by the road on which he had advanced, or to 
proceed onward, and force his passage to Venta Cruz. To march 
back would be to confess his own weakness, and to encourage 
the Spaniards to pursue him: boldly to advance would give his 
own men confidence, and daunt his enemies. Drake at once re¬ 
solved to adopt the latter course. He explained his intention to 
Pedro, the leader of the Symerons, and demanded of him whether 
lie was prepared to follow him. Having received his strong 
assurance of support, he advanced to the spot where the Spaniards 
were posted. Their leader called upon the little band to sur¬ 
render. Drake, with bold pride, defied him. He had com¬ 
manded his men to receive the first volley of the enemy without 
returning it, and no one was to fire until he sounded his whistle. 
They obeyed his directions; and one man only fell by the 
volley which the Spaniards fired. The General then gave the 
signal; and the English, after discharging their arrows and shot, 
pressed gallantly forward. The boldness of their bearing appears 
to have daunted the Spaniards, who attempted no further re¬ 
sistance, but fled into the city; and were pursued not only by 
the English, but by the Symerons also; who, as soon as they 




30 


DRAKE’S EXPEDITION 


[CHAP. II. 


had recovered from the consternation into which the discharge 
of the fire-arms had thrown them, recalled their courage, ani¬ 
mated each other with their war-cries, and fully redeemed the 
pledge which their leader had given. 

On this occasion Drake evinced his accustomed humanity and 
forbearance. Not only did he treat the inhabitants with cle¬ 
mency, but he himself went to the Spanish ladies, and assured 
them that every respect should be paid to them. Taking into 
consideration the mere handful of English by whom this exploit 
was performed, and all the circumstances attending it, few bolder 
things have ever been achieved. Its success was complete : the 
Spaniards appear to have been absolutely paralysed ; and Drake 
pursued his march to his ships without any opposition, or even 
the fear of any. When within five leagues of their vessels they 
found some huts which, during their absence, a party of the 
Symerons had built expressly for their accommodation. Here 
Drake consented to halt, his men being spent with travel: but 
being very anxious to ascertain the condition of the men who 
had remained with the vessels, he sent one of the Symerons to 
the ships with a gold toothpick as a token. The officer who was 
in charge knew it; but would not consent to obey the instructions 
which the Symeron brought him; the General having expressly 
ordered him not to credit any messenger unless he brought with 
him his handwriting. At length he perceived that Drake had 
scratched his name upon it with the point of his knife : on which 
he immediately sent a pinnace up the river to meet them; and 
on the 23rd of February the entire company were reunited ; and 
Drake, with his usual piety, celebrated their meeting by thanks¬ 
giving to God. 

He now turned his thoughts to new enterprises : and although 
he failed to capture a vessel which was lying in the harbour at 
Veragua, and which was reported to contain a million in gold, 
yet ultimately, between Rio Francesco and Nombre de Dios, the 
English and Symerons, together with a party of Frenchmen 
under the command of a Captain Teton, who had joined Drake 
at Cattivas, obtained a rich booty ; three recoes, consisting alto¬ 
gether of 109 mules, each carrying 300 pounds’ weight of silver, 
being captured by them with little difficulty, and without the 
loss of a single man. As the) could only carry away a small 





CHAP. II.] 


TO THE SPANISH MAIN. 


31 


portion of this weight of silver, they hid the remainder in holes 
and shallow pools. But their labour was fruitless, for when at a 
later period they returned to the place, they found that the 
Spaniards had discovered nearly all their hiding-places, and re¬ 
covered their lost treasure. 

YV ith that portion, however, of the silver which they were 
able to take with them, they reached Rio Francesco on the 3rd 
of April. There, to their great surprise, and to the consterna¬ 
tion and alarm of many of their band, instead of finding their 
own pinnaces, they beheld seven Spanish shallops, well manned 
and armed, and evidently on the look-out for them. The belief 
was general that their own ships had been discovered and taken. 
But here again Drake evinced not only his penetration and judg¬ 
ment, but also his indomitable resolution. Whatever he himself 
might think of the real circumstances in which they were placed, 
he showed so much confidence and alacrity, and used such argu¬ 
ments, that he imparted new life and courage into every one 
around him. His great anxiety was to rejoin his pinnaces before 
the Spaniards should have completed their arrangements for 
attacking them : but not only was it a matter of doubt where his 
vessels were stationed ; but the nature of the country (high 
mountains covered with woods, and intersected by deep rivers) 
rendered it impossible to seek them by land ; and they had not a 
single boat. In this emergency he ordered a raft to be con¬ 
structed of the fallen trees which the river had brought down to its 
mouth ; and with no other sail than a biscuit-sack, and no other 
rudder than a young tree rudely shaped into an oar, he with 
three others, who volunteered to accompany him, put out to sea. 
Having sailed upon this raft for six hours, and for a distance of 
more than three leagues, he and his companions sitting up to 
their middle in water, and at every wave up to their arm-pits, 
they at length had the great joy of seeing their pinnaces coming 
towards them: but soon afterwards, the men on board not per¬ 
ceiving the raft, in consequence of the wind and the approach of 
night, altered their course, and ran for shelter behind a point of 
land. Drake, rightly judging that they would anchor there, ran 
his raft ashore, and walking over land to the other side of the 
point, found his vessels just where he expected. Great, of course, 
was the joy on both sides. Proceeding from this place to Rio 






32 


DRAKE’S EXPEDITION 


[CXIAP. II 


Francesco, he took in the rest of his company, with that part of 
the treasure which they had been able to carry with them through 
the woods; and then making the utmost expedition, they soon re¬ 
joined their other vessels, where Drake divided equally between 
the English and the French all the gold and silver which had 
been taken. He now also dismissed the Symerons, who had 
proved themselves such useful allies. That they might not go 
away unrewarded, he broke up his pinnaces and gave them the 
iron—to them by far the most valuable of metals. But he was 
anxious to give their leader, Pedro, some special token of regard. 
He desired him therefore to go through the ship, and select 
whatever object he best liked. It was soon evident that Pedro 
had taken a great fancy to a rich cimeter which had been given 
to Drake by the French Captain Teton ; but was too modest to 
ask for it; and fearful also lest Drake should so value it as to be 
unwilling to part with it. As soon as the General learnt this, 
he at once presented it to him. Pedro was overwhelmed with 
joy; and, anxious to show his gratitude, entreated Drake to 
accept from him, in return, four wedges of gold, as a pledge of 
his friendship. Drake was unwilling to take them, but the 
grateful Indian insisted on his doing so. The General, having 
received them with all courtesy, threw them into the common 
stock, observing, “ That it was only just that those who bore 
part of the charge with him in setting him to sea, should likewise 
enjoy their full proportion of the advantage at his return.” 

Having now resolved to return to England, and being fully 
prepared, they set sail, and steered a direct course home; and 
proceeded with so prosperous a gale that in twenty-three days 
they passed from Cape Florida to the Isles of Scilly ; and arrived 
at Plymouth on Sunday, the 9th of August, 1573, during sermon 
time. The news of Drake’s return being carried into the church, 
few of the congregation remained with the preacher: “All,” 
says the narrative, “ hastening to see the evidence of God’s love 
and blessing towards our gracious Queene and countrey, by the 
fruite of our Captaine’s labour and successe. 

Soli Deo Gloria.” 

This voyage occupied fourteen months and some odd days. 
It not only excited intense interest at the time, but a hundred 
years afterwards Sir William Davenant, poet - laureate to 




CHAP. II.] 


TO THE SPANISH MAIN. 


3 ? 

Charles II., took it as the subject of one of his dramas, which 
he entitled 1 The History of Sir Francis Drake, expressed by 
instrumental and vocal music, and by art of Perspective in 
Scenes, &c.’ 

In this drama the incidents of the voyage are pretty cor¬ 
rectly told in rhyme ; accompanied with appropriate scenery, 
songs, dances, and choruses by the mariners and the Symerons, 
Pedro performing a principal part. The first scene is laid at 
Port Pheasant; the men are busied setting up the pinnaces, 
&c.; and the arrival of Captain Pause is announced by the 
Boatswain:— 

Boatswain. The Lion Rause is landed here, 

I’ll run to meet him at the pier. 

A ton of yellow gold, 

Conceal’d within our hold, 

For half my share I scorn to take, 

When he is joined with Dragon Drake. 

In the fourth “ Entry,” with “ hills, a wood, and a tree of 
extraordinary compass and height,” we have the following dia¬ 
logue :— 

Brake. Is this that most renown’d of Western trees, 

On whose main-top 
Thou gav’st me hope 

To view the North and South Atlantick Seas ? 

Pedro. It is; therefore, with speed, 

Thither, my chief, proceed: 

And when you, climbing, have attained the height. 
Report will grow authentick, by your sight. 

Brake. When from these lofty branches, I 

The South Atlantick spy, 

My vows shall higher fly, 

’Till they with highest heav’n prevail, 

That, as I see it, I may on it sail. 

Brake , Jim. No English keel hath yet that Ocean plowed. 

Pedro. If prophecie from me may be allow’d, 

Renown’d Drake, Heaven does decree 
That happy enterprize to thee: 

For thou of all the Britons art the first 
That boldly durst 
This Western World invade: 

And as thou now art made 
The first to whom that Ocean will be shown. 

So to thy Isle thou first shall make it known. 

I. 



34 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


[chap. hi. 


CHAPTER III. 

THE VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 

1577—1580. 

Preliminary observations—Drake’s Services in Ireland—He is patronised by 
the Queen—Expensive preparations for the Voyage—Secrecy as to its 
destination—The cause of a rival enterprise— Oxen lia in’s disastrous voyage 
and death — Drake’s squadron—Captures made by it — Misconduct of 
Doughty—Patagonians—Arrival at St. Julian—Trial and execution of 
Doughty—Passage through the Strait of Magelhaens—Driven down to 
Cape Horn—Passage up the North Pacific—Numerous captures of Trea¬ 
sure. 

“ Five years,” says Camden, “ after his return from a former 
voyage, to wit, in the year 1572, when Drake had gotten a 
pretty store of money, by playing the seaman and the pirate, 
he, to lick himself whole of the damage he had receaved from 
the Spaniards (which a divine belonging to the fleet had easily 
persuaded him to be lawful), set sail again for America.” 

There can be little doubt that his late voyage had been 
greatly profitable to Drake ; although the amount gained by 
him is nowhere stated: and it was not likely that a person of 
his active and vigorous mind would sit down quietly, and lapse 
into a state of listless indolence ; but would rather be on the look 
out for some fresh employment congenial with his enterprising 
disposition. He betrayed no haste, however, to embark on a 
new voyage. Previous to the last he had made the acquaint¬ 
ance of the Earl of Essex ; who had been appointed Governor of 
the province of Ulster, for the purpose of quelling the rebels, 
more particularly in the district of Clandeboy, by means of 
volunteer adventurers, who were to be raised by himself, and to 
be rewarded by grants of land. 

Drake, thinking he might be of material assistance to the 
Earl, and perhaps with a view to his own interest, “ furnished,” 
says Stow, “ at his own proper expense, three frigates with men 



CHAP. III.] 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


35 


and munition, and served voluntary in Ireland under Walter, 
Earl of Essex ; where he did excellent service both by sea and 
land, at the winning of divers strong forts.” We are not, how¬ 
ever, to suppose that a frigate in those days had any resemblance 
to the ships now so termed. A fregata was a small pinnace 
moved by sails and oars, of five, ten, or fifteen tons measurement, 
in use mostly in the Mediterranean. In those days there was no 
vessel in our navy denominated a frigate. 

The Irish project, however, failed. We learn from Eapin 
that, “in 1573, Walter Devereux, Earl of Essex, had leave to 
go to Ireland, to conquer the country of Clandeboy, at his own 
expense. But his enterprise was not crowned with success ; be¬ 
cause he was privately hindered by the Earl of Leicester, his 
enemy.” The Irish historian, M c Skimmin, gives us somewhat 
more precise information. 

“ In 1573,” he says, “ came the Right Hon. the Earl of Essex into this land, 
as Captain-General and Governor of Ulster, and was, at this time, the chief 
of a band of military adventurers. He drove the Scots out of Clandeboy, 
and took the Castle of Litford from Con. O’Donnell: but making little pro¬ 
gress, and receiving many angry messages from court, at the instigations of 
Lord Leicester, who was his greatest enemy, he resigned his command, and 
retired to Dublin, where he died of a broken heart, in September, 1576, at 
the early age of 36 ” 

Drake’s exertions, however, on this occasion undoubtedly led 
to the establishment of his future reputation, by the introduction 
it procured for him to Sir Christopher Hatton, then Vice- 
Chamberlain, and through him to the Queen; who, being ap¬ 
prised of his adventurous and successful expedition against her 
bitterest enemy the Spaniard, gave him a most flattering recep¬ 
tion, and encouraged him to follow up his brave and successful 
attacks upon the Indian colonies of Spain : nay, it is asserted by 
some historians, that she actually gave him a commission to 
make reprisals. As this would have been equivalent to a decla¬ 
ration of war, it is not credible: and still less can we believe 
that she should have said to him at his first audience, as the old 
chroniclers mostly have it, “I account that he who striketh 
thee, Drake, striketh me.” Such an expression might, perhaps, 
have escaped the royal lips at a later period, and after his return 
from his voyage of circumnavigation, when she condescended to 
visit the “ Golden Hind ” at Deptford ; and when Drake “ had 

d 2 





36 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


[chap. III. 


been stricken ” by certain of his own countrymen: she might 
then have sought, by an expression of such kindness, to soothe 
the pain that envy had inflicted ; but certain it is that she showed 
him such a degree of favour as at once to raise his fortune and 
reputation. 

The enterprise, which we are now about to relate, produced a 
great sensation at the time : nor has it ever ceased to be con¬ 
sidered as one of the boldest undertakings which the naval his¬ 
tory of England—rich as it is in deeds of courage and energy— 
has to record. In many respects, indeed, this voyage is memo¬ 
rable : a sea, hitherto unknown, was passed over; a powerful 
enemy’s territory was attacked, with means so scanty and inade¬ 
quate as to render the attempt apparently one of hopeless peril. 
Yet was the attack successful, and added new glories to Eng¬ 
land : and, to crown all, the globe was circumnavigated, a thing 
never but once performed before: and all this was accomplished 
by a fleet of five insignificant sized vessels, the largest being 
only of 100 tons burden ; and 164 seamen the complement of the 
whole.* 

From the splendid manner in which Drake fitted out his own 
ship, it may be concluded that there was no want of funds: — 

“ He did not omit,” says Prince, “ to make provision for ornament and 
delight; carrying to this purpose with him expert musicians, rich furniture 
(all the vessels for his table, yea, many belonging to the cook-room, being of 
pure silver) with divers shows of all sorts of curious workmanship, whereby 
the civility and magnificence of his native country might, among all nations 
whither he should come, be the more admired.” 

As Drake is known to have been a man of plain and simple 
habits, there can be no doubt that this display of wealth and 
taste was made, not from vanity, but from sound motives of 
policy; and probably he had in view the similar conduct of the 
Portuguese in their first expedition to the East. 

The account of this voyage was published by Sir Francis 
Drake (nephew of the Admiral), under the title of 4 The World 
Encompassed,’ carefully collected, as the preface tells us, 

* The Pelican, 100 tons, Captain Drake; the Elizabeth, .80 tons. Captain 
John Winter; the Mary gold, 30 ditto, Captain John Thomas; the Swan, 
Flyboat, 50 ditto, Captain John Chester; the Christopher, pinuace, 15 ditto, 
Captain Thomas Moone. 




CHAP. I1I.J 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


37 


“ Out of the notes of Master Francis Fletcher, Preacher in this employ¬ 
ment, and divers others his followers in the same: Offered now, at last, to 
publique view, both for the honour of the actor, but especially for the stirring 
up of heroick spirits, to benefit their countrie, and eternize their names by 
like noble attempts.” 

He begins by informing his readers that 

** The main ocean by right is the Lord’s alone, and by nature left free for all 
men to deal withall, as very sufficient for all men’s use, and large enough for 
all men’s industry. And therefore that valiant enterprize, accompanied with 
happy success, which that right rare and thrice worthy Captaine, Francis 
Drake, achieved, in first turning up a furrow about the whole world, doth 
not only overmatch the ancient Argonauts, but also outreacheth in many 
respects that noble mariner Magelhaens, and by farre surpasseth his crowned 
victory. But hereof let posterity judge.” 

It is said that such secrecy was observed by Drake in making 
preparations for this voyage, that its destination was concealed 
even from his most intimate friends; and that, when his little 
squadron put to sea, it was given out that it was bound for Alex¬ 
andria. It was, probably, in part owing to this concealment that 
the voyage to Nombre de Dios, and the other places about the 
isthmus of Darien, was anticipated by another adventurer, John 
Oxenham; who in the late voyage served under Drake as a 
soldier, sailor, and cook, and was actively and usefully employed 
by him on various occasions. This man was so attached to 
Drake, that he declared his readiness to go with him on any 
future voyage, and to any part of the world : but having waited 
above two years, and not knowing of Drake’s intentions, he, 
with some others, scraped together money enough to fit out a 
ship of 140 tons, with a crew of twenty seamen, and fifty other 
men; with which they sailed, in the year 1575, for the isth¬ 
mus of Darien. On arriving at Porto Bello, Oxenham learned 
from the Indians that a convoy of muleteers was expected to 
come to that place from Panama: he therefore marched with 
his company to meet them, having only two small guns and 
some muskets, with six Indians for their guides; and proceeded 
about twelve leagues over the mountains, to a small river that 
falls into the South Sea. Here he built a pinnace; and dropped 
down in her into the Bay of Panama, and thence to the Pearl 
Islands, near which place the plate ships from Peru usually pass 
in their voyage to Panama. Before long a small bark from Quito 



48 


VOYAGE liOUND THE WOULD. 


[chap. III. 


arrived at the island; of which Oxen ham took possession, and found 
in her sixty pounds’ weight of gold, and a large supply of provi¬ 
sions. At the end of six days he took another bark from Lima, 
in which he found a hundred pounds’ weight of silver in bars, 
tie then went in search of pearls on the island ; found a few, and 
returning to his pinnace, re-entered the river; first, however, 
dismissing his two prizes. 

The delay on Pearl Island was the cause of all his misfor¬ 
tunes. The Indians of the island went, the very night he left 
them, to Panama, to give intelligence of what had happened : 
and a Spanish captain named Ortega was dispatched with four 
barks and 100 soldiers in search of him. In his way to Pearl 
Island he fell in with the two liberated prizes; from the crews 
of which he learned that Oxenham had gone up a certain river. 
This river had three branches ; and Ortega was doubtful which 
of them to take : but having observed a quantity of fowl feathers 
swimming down one of the streams, he took that branch ; and, 
after four days’ rowing, discovered Oxenham’s pinnace upon the 
sands, with only six men in her, of whom his men killed one, but 
the other five escaped. In the pinnace, however, they found 
nothing but provisions. Ortega, therefore, left twenty of his men 
to guard her and his own barks ; and, with the other eighty, set 
out to explore the country. They had not proceeded more than 
half a league before they discovered a hut, made of boughs, in 
which they found all the Englishmen’s goods, together with their 
booty of gold, pearls, and silver. Satisfied with having recovered 
the treasure, Ortega was about to depart, when Oxenham came 
down upon him with his men and about 200 Symerons; and 
attacked the Spaniards with great fury : but the latter got the 
better of the English party ; killed eleven of them, together wdth 
five Indians, and took seven prisoners ; having only two of their 
own men killed and five wounded. Oxenham escaped, and made 
the best of his way to his ship. 

Information having been sent from Panama, over the isthmus, 
to Nombre de Dios, of all that had passed, four barks were fitted 
out: these soon found Oxenham’s ship, and carried her back to 
their port.—In the meantime the Viceroy of Peru had ordered 
150 men to scour the mountains in search of the English. 
When discovered, as they speedily were, some of them were sick, 



CHAP. Ill.J 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


39 


and were easily made prisoners : the rest fled: but, being betrayed 
oy the Indians, they were soon taken and conveyed to Panama.. 
Here Oxenham was examined as to what authority he had from 
the Queen: and being unable to produce any power or commis¬ 
sion, he and his comrades were sentenced to suffer death, as 
pirates and common enemies of mankind; and were accordingly 

i • G *7 

executed ; with the exception of Oxenham, who, with his master, 
pilot, and five boys, were carried to Lima; where he and the 
other two men likewise suffered death ; but the boys were par¬ 
doned. And thus terminated the ill-conducted and unfortunate 
adventure of this young man, who deserved a better fate. His 
old commander Drake had the highest opinion of him ; and he 
was beloved by the whole crew.* 

Drake, of course, knew nothing of these events, which oc¬ 
curred while he was employed in fitting out his little squadron 
for the same scene of action ; and with which he left Plymouth on 
the loth of November, 1577; but a violent storm overtook them, 
which obliged them to put into Falmouth ; and thence return to 
Plymouth to have their damages repaired. As soon as they were 
refitted, Drake set sail from Plymouth, a second time, on the 
13th of December. On the 27th they called at Mogador, on the 
coast of Barbary, for supplies; and here he set up one of his pin¬ 
naces which he had carried with him in frame. The inhabitants 
showed signs of friendship, and promised to bring them, on the fol¬ 
lowing day, sheep, fowls, and other provisions : and accordingly 
they came down with camels laden with various articles, not only 
of provisions, but merchandise. But as they approached the coast 
an unlucky accident occurred. One of the boat’s crew, John 
Fry, leaped hastily on shore, intending to give some* -of them a 
hearty shake of the hand : this so surprised and alarmed the 
Moors that they seized him; and, to prevent his making any 
resistance, held a dagger to his throat, laid him across a horse, 

* Prince says there is a family of considerable standing of the name of 
Oxenham at South Tawton, near Oakhampton, “ of which this strange and 
wonderful thing is recorded: that at the death of any of them, a bird with a 
white breast is seen for a while fluttering about their beds, and then suddenly 
to vanish awayand Howel quotes the inscription on a tombstone, giving 
the names of several of the family to whom the bird had appeared—to the 
mother, a son, two sisters, and some others. “ To all these,” says Howell. 
** there be divers witnesses, both squires and ladies, whose names are eu* 
graven upon the stone.” 






40 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


[chap. hi. 


and carried him off'. The number of Moors was so great that 
Iiis companions dared not attempt his rescue. It afterwards 
appeared, however, that their object, in this act of violence, was 
only to ascertain to whom the ships belonged ; and whether they 
were Portuguese, with whom they were then at war. When the 
chief, before whom the man was brought, was informed they were 
English, he immediately sent him back with presents to the cap¬ 
tain ; but the ships had unfortunately departed before his return. 
He was afterwards sent home to England by the Moors in a 
merchant vessel. 

In the meantime the little squadron, proceeding along the coast, 
fell in with three Spanish fishing-craft called counters , which 
they took, and after that with three caravels at Cape Blanco. 
Drake restored two of their boats to the fishermen ; the third, 
of about 40 tons, he kept; but gave the owner the Christopher 
in exchange. Here he remained four days, taking in water and 
provisions, and mustering and exercising his men. 

The squadron next proceeded to the Cape de Verde Islands ; 
and calling at Mayo, they landed, and found a town not far 
from the water’s side, consisting of a great number of desolate and 
ruinous houses, with a poor naked chapel or oratory. Having 
here taken in fruits and refreshments, they next stood in for Porto 
Praya, in the island of St. Jago ; but, from distrust of the inha¬ 
bitants, did not anchor. Here they fell in with two Portuguese 
vessels; one of which they captured, laden with wine and other 
valuable articles. She had also several passengers on board, 
who requested to remain in her, on learning that the squadron 
was bound for the Brazils: but he dismissed the crew, and put 
twenty-eight of his own men into her, retaining the master, 
Nuno de Silva, in order to make use of him as a pilot on the 
Brazil coast: and he appointed Mr. Doughty, a friend of his 
own and a volunteer on the expedition, to the command of this 
Portuguese prize. To his great mortification, however, a com¬ 
plaint was shortly afterwards preferred against Doughty; of 
which the General lost no time in making an investigation, 
Fletcher gives the following account of this transaction :— 

“ Into this Shipp the Generali sent one Tho: Doubty, Gentleman, to be 
Captain; there, not long after his entering into his charge, he was charged 
and accused by John Brewer, Edward Bright, and some others of their 



CHAP. III.] 


VOYAGE ROUND TIIE WORLD. 


41 


friends, to have purloined, to his proper use, to deceave the voyage from 
things of great value, and therefore was not to be put in trust any longer, 
least he might rob the voyage and deprive the company of their hope, and 
her Majesty and other adventurers, of their benefit, to inrich himself and 
make himself greater to the overthrow of all others. In regard whereof, 
the General speedily went on board the Prize to examine the matter, who 
finding certain pairs of Portugal Gloves, some few pieces of money of a 
strange coin, and a small Ring, all which one of the Portugals gave him out 
of his chest in hope of favour, all of them being not worth the speaking of. 
These things being found with him, not purloined but only given him, 
received in the sight of all men, the General, in his discression, deposed 
him from his place, and yet sent him in his own stead to the Admiral 
(meaning the ship) as commander of that company for the tyme, in his ab¬ 
sence ; and placed Thomas Drake, his brother, in the Prize, Captain in the 
room of Thomas Doubty, yet remained there himself till he had discharged 
the Portugals. 

“ In the mean time the said Thomas Doubty, being aboard the Admirall, 
was thought to be too peremptory and exceeded his authority, taking upon 
him too great a command, by reason whereof such as had him in dislike tok 
advantage agaynst him to complain a second tyme, which were heard with 
expedition to their own contentation; for the Portugals, being set in one 
pinnace with necessary provisions of victual, whereof they rejoiced that they 
scaped with their lives, thinking Ships and Goods, as they said, well be¬ 
stowed, to arrive where they would. The General came aboard the Admiral, 
and upon the second complaint, remooved the said Doubty a prisoner into 
the flyboat with utter disgrace.”* 

They next passed by the island of Fuego, the volcano on 
which was throwing up flames ; and then the island of Brava, 
where the sea was 120 fathoms deep close to the shore. This 
island, however, is described as a sweet and pleasant abode; the 
trees abundant and always green; figs always ripe, and cocos, 
plantains, oranges, and lemons in abundance; silver streams of 
sweet and wholesome water, where boats may easily take in 
water. On the 17th of February they passed the equator; 
previous to which, Drake, who was always careful of his men’s 
health, had blooded every one of them with his own hand. 

Here the ships were becalmed ; they had much thunder and 
lightning; and made little or no progress for the space of three 
weeks; an occurrence not unfrequent, not only at the time in 
question, but for two centuries afterwards, owing to the prac¬ 
tice then invariably pursued of trying to make a direct and 
straight course across the line, instead of, as is now done, cross- 

* Sloane MSS. in British Museum. 



42 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


[chap. III. 


ing it between the 20° and 24° of west longitude, where ships 
are very rarely becalmed. The consequence was, that Drake 
saw no land for fifty-fine days; at the end of which period he 
reached the coast of Brazil. 

Drake here did little more than look into the great river La 
Plata ; as the object of his voyage did not lie in that quarter. He 
saw in it multitudes of seals; of which they killed many, and 
found them good, both as food for present use and as a supply 
of provisions for the future. Standing to the southward, they 
anchored in a bay in 47° S. lat.; all but the Swan and the Por¬ 
tuguese prize (now named the Mary), which had separated. 
Some natives were seen, to whom they made a signal by hoisting 
a white cloth; which they answered by gestures and speech, but 
kept at a distance. 

Near the rocks were places constructed for the purpose of 
drying fowls for food; and in these they found above fifty 
ostriches (cassowaries) ; the thighs of which were equal in size 
u to reasonable legs of mutton.” Leaving this port, they found 
a better, somewhat less than a degree to the southward. The 
General sent the Elizabeth, Capt. Winter, with the steward, to 
look for the missing ships, the Swan and Mary. Winter met 
with the former, and brought her in. Here they trafficked with 
the natives. These people had no other covering than a skin, 
which, when sitting or lying in the cold, was thrown over their 
shoulders; but which, when in motion, was bound round their 
loins. They painted themselves all over ; some had one shoulder 
painted white and the other black : and similar contrasts were 
exhibited on their sides and legs ; in the black parts white moons 
were painted, and in the white parts black suns. 

“ Magelhaens,” says the ‘World Encompassed,’ “was not altogether de¬ 
ceived in naming them giants, for they generally differ from the common 
sort of men, both in stature, bigness, and strength of body, as also in the 
hideousness of their voice ; but yet they are nothing so monstrous or giant¬ 
like as they were reported, there being some Englishmen as tall as the highest 
of any that we could see; but, peradventure, the Spaniards did not think 
that ever any Englishman could come thither to reprove them; and there¬ 
upon might presume the more boldly to lie: the name Pentagones, five 
cubits, namely 7^ feet, describing the full height (if not somewhat more) 
of the highest of them.” 

Modern voyagers have described these people as a strong and 



CHAP. III.] 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


43 


powerful race, but by no means exceeding the ordinary size of 
Europeans. 

It is not a little curious to find how differently people view 
the same objects: Cliffe (the writer of Winter’s Voyage) 
says :— 

“ The people were of mean stature, well limbed, but very sly. One of 
them, as the General stooped, snatched off his hat, which was of scarlet, with 
a gold band, and ran away with it. The General would not suffer his people 
to hurt any of them by way of resenting the injury.” 

Mr. Fletcher, on the contrary, says that these people were 
of large stature ; that the hat was a gift from the General; 
and that the Indian, proud of the gift, wore it every day: that 
they were well made, handsome, and strong; their dispositions 
cheerful, and much addicted to merriment. Commodore Byron 
calls one of these Patagonians a “ frightful colossus,” not less 
than seven feet. Mr. Cummings, who was 6 feet 2 inches high, 
he calls by comparison a pigmy among giants, for “ indeed,” 
says he, “ they may more properly be called giants than tall 
men.” But Cook and Sir Joseph Banks decided the question, 
by ascertaining that the average height was from 5 feet 4 to 
6 feet 8 inches. 

Leaving Seal Bay, as it was called, on the 3rd of June, they 
anchored in another on the 12th ; where they unloaded the little 
fishing skiff, and turned her adrift. On the 20th, their whole 
force being united, they anchored in Port St. Julian. Here, 
in a foolish trial of skill with bows and arrows, Drake lost two 
of his most valuable men. Pobert Winter, partly in sport, and 
partly to show English skill, pulling the string of his bow with 
over-violence, broke it; and while he was busy fixing it again, 
some natives shot their arrows at him, and wounded him in the 
shoulder and lungs. On this the gunner, Oliver, took aim at 
them with his musket; but it missed fire, and he was slain out¬ 
right by an arrow. It is probable that none of the party 
would have escaped, had it not been for the coolness and presence 
of mind of Drake. He animated their courage, and directed 
their movements; ordering them, by perpetually changing their 
place, to elude as much as they could the aim of their enemies: 
and not only to defend their bodies with their targets, but to 
pick up and break the arrows as they fell; he himself setting 




44 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


[CHAP. III. 


them the example: and this they did with so much diligence, 
that the Indians soon became short of arrows, 

“ Which,” says Fletcher, “ the General perceiving, he then took the 
fowling-piece in hand, and priming it anew, made a shot at him which first 
began the quarrel, and striking him in the pancy with hail shot, sent his 
guts abroad with great torment, as it seemed by his cry, which was so 
hideous and terrible a roar, as if ten bulls had joined together in roaring.” 

This seems to have dispersed the giants. On recovering the 
dead body of Oliver, Fletcher says— 

“ When our men came to him, the enemies had thrust into one of his eyes 
one of our arrows as deep as they could. A sermon was preached, and the 
bodies, for Robert Winter died at the end of two days, were buried with 
such honours as in such case martial men used to have when they are dead; 
being both laid in one grave, as they both were partakers of one manner of 
death, and ended their lives together by one and the self-same kind of 
accident.” 

One of the first objects that caught their attention at this 
place was a gibbet; which had been set up, as was supposed, 
seventy years before, by Magelhaens, for the execution of cer¬ 
tain mutineers. No one, who then viewed it, could have antici¬ 
pated that a similar occurrence was about to take place in their 
own fleet, and within the same port. It has already been men¬ 
tioned that Mr. Doughty, one of the gentlemen volunteers, had 
been removed from the Portuguese prize for malversation: he 
now fell under the imputation of much deeper crimes. The 
melancholy history of this man has been told by all the narrators 
of Drake’s voyages; and various degrees of guilt have been 
attributed to him. It is now, perhaps, impossible to arrive at the 
exact truth: but as some versions of the story would seem to 
leave a blot on Drake’s justice and humanity, it is right to 
repeat what the several writers have told us of the circumstances 
of this transaction. Camden, the oldest and most respectable of 
all Drake’s historians, says— 

“ In tliis very place John Doughty, an industrious and stout man, and the 
next unto Drake, was called to his trial for raising a mutiny in the fleet, 
found guilty by twelve men, after the English manner, and condemned to 
death, which he suffered undauntedly, being beheaded, having first received 
the holy eommunion with Drake. And, indeed, the most impartial persons 
in the fleet were of opinion that he had acted seditiously; and that Drake 



CHAP. III.] 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


45 


cut him off as an emulator of his glory, and one that regarded not so much 
who he himself excelled in commendations for sea matters, as who he 
thought might equal him. Y r et wanted there not some, who, pretending to 
understand things better than others, gave out that Drake had in charge 
from Leicester to take off Doughty, upon any pretence whatsoever, because 
he had reported abroad that the Earl of Essex was made away by the cun¬ 
ning practices of Leicester.” 

The next most ancient and authentic authority is that of Hak¬ 
luyt, who says— 

“ In this port (St. Julian) our General began to inquire diligently of the 
actions of Mr. Thomas Doughty, and found them not to be such as he looked 
for, but tending rather to contention of mutiny, or some other disorder, 
whereby (without redress) the success of the voyage might greatly have 
been hazarded; whereupon the company was called together and made ac¬ 
quainted with the particulars of the cause, which were found partly by Mr. 
Doughty’s own confession, and partly by the evidence of the fact, to be true: 
which, when our General saw, although his private affection to Mr. Doughty 
(as he then in presence of all sacredly protested) was great, yet the care he 
had of the state of the voyage, of the expectation of her Majestie, and of the 
honour of his countrie, did more touch him (as indeed it ought) than the 
private respect of one man ; so that the cause being thoroughly heard, and 
all things done in good order, as neere as might be to the course of our laws 
in England, it was concluded that Mr. Doughty should receive punishment 
according to the qualitie of the offence. And he, seeing no remedie but 
patience for himself, desired before his death to receive the communion, 
which he did at the hands of Mr. Fletcher, the minister, and our General 
himself accompanied him in that holy action; which being done, and the 
place of execution made ready, he, having embraced our General, and taken 
his leave of all the companie, with prayer for the Queen’s Majestie and our 
realm, in quiet sort laid his head to the block, where he ended his life.” 

In speaking of the evil disposition of the people of St. Julian, 
which is ascribed to the cruelties of the Spaniards, who had 
visited this place, the narrator, in the 4 World Encompassed,’ 
says— 

“ To this evil, thus received at the hands of the infidels, there was adjoined 
and grew another mischief, wrought and contrived closely among ourselves, 
as greaVyea, far greater, and of far more grievous consequence than the 
former; but that it was, by God’s providence, detected and prevented in 
time, which else had extended itself, not only to the violent shedding of in¬ 
nocent blood, by murdering our General, and such others as were most firm 
and faithful to him, but also to the final overthrow of the whole action in¬ 
tended, and to divers other most dangerous effects. 

“ This plot was laid before the departure of the expedition from England, 
and which was made known to the General at Plymouth, who would not 







VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


[chap. Ill 


4(i 


believe that a person* whom he so dearly loved would conceive such evil 
purposes against him; till, at length, perceiving that the manifold practices 
grew daily more and more, even to extremities, and that lenity and favour 
did little good, he thought it high time to call these practices into question, 
and before it were too late to call any question of them into hearing; and 
therefore, setting good watch over him, and assembling all his captains, and 
gentlemen of his company together, he propounded to them the good parts 
which were in the gentleman, the great good will and inward affection, 
more than brotherly, which he had ever, since his first acquaintance, borne 
him, not omitting the respect which was had of him among no mean per¬ 
sonages in England; and afterwards delivered the letters which were written 
to him, with the particulars from time to time which had been observed, not 
so much by himself, as by his good friends; not only at sea, but even at Ply¬ 
mouth ; not bare words, but writings; not writings alone, but actions, tending 
to the overthrow of the service in hand, and making away of his person. 

“ Proofs were required and alleged, so many, and so evident, that the gen¬ 
tleman himself, stricken with remorse of his inconsiderate and unkind deal¬ 
ing, acknowledged himself to have deserved death, yea, many deaths; for 
that he conspired, not only the overthrow of the action, but of the principal 
actor also, who was not a stranger or illwiller, but a dear and true friend 
unto him; and therefore, in a great assembly openly besought them, in 
whose hands justice rested, to take some order for him, that he might not be 
compelled to enforce his own hands, against his own bowels, or otherwise to 
become his own executioner. 

“ The admiration and astonishment hereat, in all the hearers, even those 
which were his nearest friends, and most affected him, was great, yea, in 
those which, for many benefits received from him, had good cause to love 
him: but yet the General was most of all distracted ; and therefore withdrew 
himself, as not able to conceal his tender affection, requiring them that had 
heard the whole matter to give their judgments, as they would another day 
answer it unto their prince, and unto Almighty God, judge of all the earth. 

They all, after duly weighing the evidence, above forty in number, the 
chiefest in place and judgment in the whole fleet, with their own hand, 
under seal, adjudged that he had deserved death; and that it stood by no 
means with their safety to let him live; and therefore they remitted the 
manner thereof, with the rest of the circumstances, to the General. There¬ 
fore they then proposed to him this choice: Whether he would take to be 
executed in this island ? or to be set upon land on the main ? or return into 
England, there to answer his deed before the Lords of her Majesty’s Council ? 
He most humbly thanked the General for his clemency extended towards 
him in such ample sort; and craving some respite, to consult thereon and so 
make his choice advisedly; the next day he returned answer that, ‘ Albeit he 
had yielded in his heart to entertain so great a sin, as whereof he was now 


* Throughout the whole of this account in the ‘ World Encompassed,' 
particular care has been taken to avoid stating the name of the guilty indi¬ 
vidual. 






CHAP. III.l 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


47 


justly condemned; yet he had a care, and that excelling all other cares, to 
die a Christian man, and therefore besought the General most earnestly he 
"would not counsel him to endanger his soul by consenting to be left among 
savage infidels; and as for returning to England, he must first have a ship, 
and men to conduct it, with sufficient victuals, if any men could be found to 
accompany him on so disgraceful an errand; yet the shame of return would 
be more grievous than death; and therefore he preferred that, with all his 
heart, he did embrace the first branch of the General’s offer, desiring only 
this favour, that they might once again receive the holy Communion together 
before his death, and that he might not die other than a gentleman’s death.’ 

“ No reasons could persuade him to alter his choice: seeing he remained 
resolute in his determination, his last requests were granted; and the next 
convenient day a Communion was celebrated by Mr. Francis Fletcher, 
preacher and pastor of the fleet at that time. The General himself commu¬ 
nicated in this sacred ordinance with this condemned penitent gentleman, 
who shewed great tokens of a contrite and repentant heart. After this holy 
repast they dined also at the same table together, as cheerfully in sobriety, 
as ever in their lives they had done aforetime, each cheering up the other, 
and taking their leave, by drinking each to other, as if some journey only 
had been in hand. 

“ After dinner, all things being ready prepared by the provost-marshal, 
Mr. Doughtie, without any dallying or delaying the time, came forth, and 
kneeled down, preparing at once his neck for the axe, and his spirit for 
heaven, which having done, without long ceremony, as one who had before 
digested this whole tragedy, he desired all the rest to pray for him, and 
willed the executioner to do his office, not to fear nor spare.” 

Such is the account given of this transaction by Mr. Thomas 
Drake, who is believed to have been the chief compiler or, at 
least, reviser of the £ Voyage Round the World/ although it was 
published by his son, Sir Francis ; but there is a strong testimony 
against a very essential part of the story. The account given in 
Fletcher’s MS. differs materially from it, and is wholly omitted 
in the printed history of the voyage. In the MS. nothing appears 
as to any choice being given to Mr. Doughty, between death and 
life, upon any terms. 

But it is best to give Mr. Fletcher’s account of this melancholy 
event in his exact words, and from his own manuscript, or, to 
speak more correctly, from the certified manuscript copy of it 
contained in the Sloane MSS. in the British Museum. 

After narrating the conflict with the Patagonians, in which 
Robert Winter and Oliver were killed, he says : — 

“ This bloudy Tragedie being ended, another more grievous ensueth. I 
call it more grievous because it was among ourselves begun, contrived, and 



48 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


[chap. III. 


ended; for now, Thomas Doubty, our countryman, is called in question, not 
by giants but by Christians, even ourselves. The original of dislike against 
him you may read in the storye off the Hand of Cape Verde, upon the coast 
of Affrick, at the taking of the Portugal prize, by whom he was accused— 
and for what? But now more dangerous matter, and of greater weight, is 
layed to his charge, and that by the same persons, namely, for words spoken 
by him to them, being in England, in the General’s garden in Plymouth, 
long before our departure thence, which had been their parts and dutyes to 
have discovered them at that tyme, and not to have consealed them for a 
tyme and place not so fitting; but how true it was wherewith they charged 
him upon their oathe, I know not; but he utterly denied it upon his salva¬ 
tion, at the hour of communicating the Sacrament of the body and blood of 
Christ, at the hour and moment of his death, affirming that he was innocent 
of such things whereof he was accused, judged, and suffered death for. Of 
whom I must needs testifye the truth for the good things of God I found in 
him, in the tyme we were conversant, and especially in the time of his 
afflictions and trouble, till he yielded up the spirit to God—I doubt not, to 
immortality: he feared God, he loved his word, and was always desirous to 
edify others, and conforme himselfe in the faith of Christ. For his 
qualityes, in a man of his tyme, they were rare, and his gifts very excellent 
for his age : a sweet orator, a pregnant philosopher, a good gift for the 
Greek tongue, and a reasonable taste of Hebrew ; a sufficient secretary to a 
noble personage of great place, and in Zealand an aproved soldier, and not 
behind many in the study of the law for his tyme; and that with it a suffi¬ 
cient argument to prove a good Christian, and of all other things, a most 
manifest witness of a child of God to men, that he was delighted in the study, 
hearing, and practice of the word of God; daily exercising himselfe therein 
by reading, meditating to himselfe, conferring with others, instructing of the 
ignorant, as if he bad been a minister of Christ, wherein he profitted so 
much, that long before his death he seemed to be mortifyed, and to be 
ravished with the desire of God’s kingdom, yea to be dissolved and to be with 
Christ, in whose death so many vertues were cutt off as dropps of blood new 
sliedd,—who being dead was buried neer the sepulchre of those which went 
before him, upon whose graves I set up a stone, whereon I engraved their 
names, the day of their buriall, and the month and the yeare, for a monu¬ 
ment to them which shall fall with that place in tyme to come. 

“ These thinges, with dropps of blood from the hartes of some, thus ended, 
wee went about our other business and necessarie affaires.” 

It is evident that Fletcher speaks of Mr. Doughty in terms of 
more than common regard ; and describes him as a man of extra¬ 
ordinary virtue and endowments. It seems most improbable that 
such a man should attempt the crime attributed to him ; and 
supposing him to have succeeded, what next could he have done? 
He does not appear to have had any confederates in the ship nor 
in the squadron ; and Drake was beloved by the whole crew; all 



CHAT*. Ill,] 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


49 


that he could possibly have expected after such a deed, would 
have been to be instantly torn in pieces by the crew. On this 
transaction Dr. Jolmson has made the following reflections : — 

“ How far it is probable that Drake, after having been acquainted with 
this man’s designs, should admit him into his fleet, and afterwards caress, 
respect, and trust him; or that Doughtie, who is represented as a man of 
eminent abilities, should engage in so long and hazardous a voyage, with no 
other view than that of defeating it, is left to the determination of the reader. 
What designs he could have formed with any hope of success, or to what 
actions worthy of death he could have proceeded without accomplices, for 
none are mentioned, is equally difficult to imagine. Nor, on the other hand, 
though the obscurity of the account, and the remote place chosen for the 
discovery of this wicked project, seem to give some reason for suspicion, does 
there appear any temptation from either hope, fear, or interest, that might 
induce Drake, or any commander in his state, to put to death an innocent 
man upon false pretences.” 

Blame has been attached to the mode of proceeding; but it 
should be recollected that no court of martial-law existed in 
Queen Elizabeth’s time, nor was there any court established for 
the trial of high criminal offences committed at sea; the existing 
court dates no further back than the 13th year of the reign of 
Charles II., when an Act was passed “ for establishing Articles 
and Orders for the Regulating and better Government of His 
Majesty’s Navies, Ships of War, and Forces by Sea,” on which 
die “ Articles of War are grounded. In ancient times great 
power must have rested with the captain of every ship ; and it is 
to be presumed, therefore, that he would take care, as a principal 
point of his naval education, to obtain a competent knowledge of 
the law or custom of the sea. The crew had to look to him only 
for their protection ; but to protect them he must have the power 
to keep them in order; and to effect this, he must also have the 
power of punishment. 

“ The seaman is willing,” says Sir William Monson, in his ‘ Naval Tracts,’ 
“ to give or receive punishment deservedly, according to the laws of the sea, 
and not otherwise, according to the fury or passion of a boisterous, blas¬ 
phemous, swearing commander 

and he adds, what has only been recently ordained in our Navy— 

“ Punishment is fittest to be executed in cold blood, the next day after the 
offence is committed and discovered.” 

E 




50 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


[chap. III. 


Sir William moreover specifies what the ordinary punishments 
were in his time : — 

“ A captain,” he says, “ is allowed to punish according to the offence com¬ 
mitted ; to put men in the bilbows during pleasure; keep them fasting; duck 
them at the yard-arm ; or haul them from yard-arm to yard-arm, under the 
ship’s keel; or make them fast to the capstan, and whip them there ; or at 
the capstan or main-mast, hang weights about their necks till their hearts 
and backs be ready to break; or to gagg or scrape their tongues for blas¬ 
pheming or swearing. This will tame the most rude and savage people in 
the world.” 

These are indeed most brutal punishments, and such as would 
not be tolerated at the present day : and though they were in use 
in Drake’s time, we have no reason to suppose that they were 
ever practised by him, or in any ship that he commanded. He 
was a mild, indulgent, and humane man, universally beloved by 
the seamen ; in all his expeditions volunteers crowded to join 
under his command. Some imperious necessity must therefore 
have governed his conduct in the case of Doughty. 

But it has been said that his putting him to death was a great 
stretch of his authority. In mutiny this has at all times been 
lawful. Sir William Monson, the highest naval authority for 
the time to whom we can appeal, tells us, that 

“ a Captain under a General has lawful authority to punish offences com¬ 
mitted within his ship ; or if his company grow mutinous or stubborn, he 
may have recourse to the General, who will inflict more severe punishment, 
as death, if they deserve it, which no private captain can do.” 

Kindness and benevolence, we repeat, were the characteristics 
of Drake’s disposition ; and it is utterly impossible to believe 
that he would basely sacrifice a friend, for whom he took 
the very earliest opportunity on the voyage to show his esteem, 
by appointing him to the command of the very first prize 
they took. It is far more probable that Doughty, from a feel¬ 
ing of pique and resentment at his removal from this command, 
and at the disgrace of being sent back to his former ship, may have 
contemplated the crime of which he was accused. It is also a 
strong circumstance in Drake’s favour that there was not anv pub¬ 
lic feeling manifested against him or in favour of the deceased, 
either on the spot or on the return of the ship to England. Still 
some degree of mystery hangs over the whole proceeding, against 



chap, hi.] 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


51 


which can only be set Drake’s unimpeachable character in all the 
other transactions of his life. 

In concluding the account of this event the Narrative says— 

“ In the island, as we digged to bury this gentleman, we found a great 
grinding-stone, broken in two parts, which we took and set fast in the 
ground, the one part at the head, the other at the feet, building up the 
middle space with other stones, and turfs of earth; and engraved on the 
stones the names of the parties buried there, with a memorial of our 
General’s name in Latin, that it might the better be understood of all that 
should come after us.” 

At Port St. Julian the Portuguese prize, the Mary, being 
leaky, was unloaded and broken up, and the fleet reduced to 
three, the Pelican, the Elizabeth, and the Marigold; and, on 
the 20th of August, Drake came to the mouth of the Strait of 
Magelhaens, being an inland sea thick set with islands, and 
enclosed with high cliffs and mountains, which in that latitude 
render the air extremely cold, the summits being covered with 
snow. At the Cape forming the entrance, 

u Our General,” says the Narrative, “ caused his fleet, in homage to our 
sovereign Lady the Queen’s Majestie, to strike their topsails upon the bunt, 
as a token of his willing and glad mind, to shew his dutiful obedience to her 
highness, whom he acknowledged to have full interest and right in that new 
discovery; and withal in remembrance of his honourable friend and 
favourer, Sir Christopher Hatton, he changed the name of the ship, which 
himself went in, from the Pelican to be called the ‘ Golden Hind.’ Which 
ceremonies being ended, with a sermon and prayers of thanksgiving, they 
entered the narrow strait with much wind, frequent turnings, and many 
dangers. They observed on one side an island like Fogo, burning aloft in 
the air in a wonderful sort without intermission.” 

The passage of this strait was a memorable event; Drake 
having been the second person who accomplished it. 

Crooked and narrow in many places, with creeks and rivers 
branching off in all directions, the tides irregular and rapid, the 
shores steep and rocky, a burning island, like Fuego, on their 
left, flaming without intermission, peaks of snow on all sides, no 
chart to guide them in the right direction, the tide rising and 
falling thirty feet, and running like a rapid torrent,—such were 
the formidable obstacles they had to contend with ; and it is a 
remarkable fact that they passed through, in sixteen days, this 
most intricate and troublesome navigation, which, on an average, 
requires a fortnight for one of our square-rigged vessels to accom- 



52 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


[CHAP. III. 


plish, with all the advantages of modern knowledge, improvements 
in ships, nautical instruments, and the theory of navigation. 

Observing, near the western outlet, a cluster of three islands 
that appeared large and fruitful, the General, with some of his 
people, went on shore, and called the island they landed on 
Elizabetha, and took possession of it in the Queen’s name. The 
crew amused themselves with taking penguins, of which they 
killed three thousand in one day. They observed “ many fruitful 
valleys, full of grass, and herds of very strange creatures feeding 
there. The trees were green, and the air temperate, the water 
pleasant, and the soil agreeable for any of our country grain ; 
and nothing wanting to make an happy region but the people’s 
knowing and worshipping the true God.” Among the anomalies 
of creation, in this wild and desolate region, surmounted with ice 
and snow, were found valleys full of evergreens ; of these we may 
mention the evergreen beech-tree, and the winter bark; and 
above all other curiosities, in such a situation, thousands of little 
humming-birds. 

On the 6th of September (that is, in sixteen days), having passed 
the strait, they entered into the open South Sea, which, despite 
its name of Pacific, they found extremely rough and turbulent; 
and a terrible tempest carried the fleet about a hundred leagues 
westward, and separated them. Here it is noticed, that an eclipse 
of the moon happened on the 15th of September, at six o’clock 
in the afternoon, “ which,” says Camden, “ I note for the mathe¬ 
maticians’ sakes.” 

“ It was observed also,” he adds, “ contrary to what some had written, that 
that part of the heaven next to the southern pole was bedecked with but 
few stars, and those of a smaller magnitude; and that there were but only 
three of any remarkable bigness to be seen in that hemisphere, which 
England hath not beheld. But two small clouds were noticed, of the same 
colour with the Fia lactea , and far distant from the pole, which the men 
called Magelhaens’s clouds.” 

The General now finding the health of some of the men im¬ 
paired, had resolved at once to hasten towards the line and the 
warm sun ; but a terrific tempest arose, and the ships were driven 
to the south of Cape Horn, and thus Drake saw the union of the 
Atlantic and Pacific oceans. On trying to regain their lost 



CHAP. III.] 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


53 


ground, the wind still blowing strong, the Marigold, Captain 
John Thomas, parted and was no more heard of; in fact, she 
was lost, and all on board must have perished. 

On the 7th of October, the Admiral and the Elizabeth under 
slow sail stood into a bay near the western entrance of the strait, 
where they hoped to have found shelter from the bad weather; 
but in a few hours after coming to an anchor, the cable of the 
Admiral parted, and she drove out to sea, and was thus separated 
from the Elizabeth, which remained in the port without making 
any attempt to follow her. The account given by Clide, one of 
the crew of the Elizabeth, is that Winter, the next day, after 
having been in great danger among the rocks, re-entered the 
strait, and, anchoring in an open bay, made great fires on the 
shore in the hope that Drake might see them ; that he remained 
there ten days, then went further, and stayed for three weeks in 
a sound which he named “ The Port of Healthand that then, 
being in despair both as to Drake’s existence and as to favourable 
winds for Peru, lie- “ gave over the voyage, full sore against the 
mariners’ minds.” Winter arrived safe in England, but he was 
censured by many for having abandoned his commander. 

The General being now left with only the little pinnace, was 
driven back once more into the latitude of 55° south, in which 
he got.among some islands, perhaps some of those to the north 
of Terra del Fuego; where the ship was anchored, and the crew 
were refreshed with wholesome herbs and good water. After 
two days, however, they were driven from their anchorage, and 
the little shallop or pinnace lost sight of the ship, nor did it 
ever again rejoin her. There were eight men in her, who had 
provisions only for one day ; they, however, reached the shore, 
procured water and roots, and in the course of a fortnight entered 
the Strait of Magelhaens. Here they salted and dried penguins, 
and proceeded to Port Julian, and thence to Rio de la Plata. There 
six of the party went into the woods to seek for food. A partv 
of Indians met them, wounded them all with their arrows, and 
took four of them prisoners; the other two escaped to their com¬ 
panions who had remained in the boat. They moved to an island 
two or three leagues from the shore, where the two wounded 
men died : the shallop was dashed in pieces against the rocks. 
The remaining two, Peter Curder and William Pitcher, stayed 





54 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


[chap. in. 


on this island two months, subsisting' on small crabs, eels, and a 
fruit like an orange, but they had no water. The misery they 
endured for want of this indispensable necessary of life induced 
them to endeavour, by means of a plank and a couple of paddles, 
to reach the mainland. This they accomplished in three days 
and two nights, and found a rivulet of sw r eet water— 

“ where,” says Curder, “ Pitcher, my only comfort and companion, (although I 
endeavoured to dissuade him,) being pinched with extreme thirst, over-drank 
himself; and, to my unspeakable grief, died within half an hour, whom I 
buried as well as I could in the sand.” 

Curder, the only survivor of the party, was kindly treated by 
some Indians, and at the end of nine years returned to England. 

The Golden Hind was now left completely alone, and with a 
reduced crew. Another storm arose, and the vessel was driven 
to the very southern extremity of the American continent, and 
thus Drake was the first to discover Cape Horn. 

On the 30th of October the storm abated, and enabled Drake 
to proceed to the northward, towards the place he had appointed 
for the rendezvous of his squadron, namely in 30° south ; but 
every search for them was unavailing. He fell in with two 
islands well stocked with fowls, of which he laid in a 
quantity for the crew, and thence coasted along till he came 
to 38°; and finding no traces of his companions, nor any con¬ 
venient place to anchor in, he proceeded to the island Macho. 
This island w T as inhabited by native Indians of the same race 
as the Patagonians of St. Julian’s, whom the cruelties of the 
Spaniards had driven from the mainland. Here he intended to 
water his ship, and entered into friendly communication with the 
natives, treating them with small presents such as he thought 
might best please them. In return they presented him with 
fruits, and tw r o sheep, and pointed out a place where he would 
obtain fresh water. 

The next morning, according to agreement, the men landed with 
their water-casks, and sent a couple of the crew forward towards 
the place. These two men were suddenly attacked by the Indians, 
and immediately slain; and all the other persons in the boat were 
in great danger, as four or five hundred men, springing up from 
behind the rocks, discharged a volley of arrows into the boat, 
and wounded every man in her before they could get ready 



CHAP. III.] 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


55 


their weapons; Drake himself was shot in the face by an arrow, 
under his right eye, which pierced him almost to the brain, and 
he received another wound in the head. None of the men died 
of their wounds, although the only surgeon was a mere boy, the 
chief surgeon being dead, and the other in Winter’s ship. The 
only reason which can be assigned for this treacherous conduct 
on the part of the natives was, that one of the crew having made 
use of the word aqua , they mistook them for Spaniards, against 
whom, in consequence of their cruelty and injustice, they enter¬ 
tained an inveterate hatred, and rejoiced in every opportunity of 
taking revenge. 

On the 30th of November Drake dropped anchor in a bay called 
St. Philip, when a boat’s crew having landed, brought away an 
Indian they had fallen in with. He was clothed in a long white 
gown, and his manners were exceedingly mild and gentle. Drake 
treated him kindly, and, dismissing him with presents, ordered 
his boat to set him safe on shore. This man gave his countrymen 
so flattering a description of the reception he had received, that 
within a few hours they came down to the boat with fowls, eggs, 
and a hog; and one of them, who was a man of consequence 
among them, desired to be conveyed on board the English ship. 
This chief lamented that he was unable to furnish the English 
with such supplies as they stood in need of; but volunteered to 
pilot the ship to a port a little to the southward, where they could 
procure all that they wanted. Drake assented to this, and the 
man accordingly took the ship to a place named by the Spaniards 
Volpariza, where the English obtained everything they needed, 
stores, provisions, and wine; and also seized a Spanish ship, 
richly laden, which they rifled of a great quantity of gold and 
other valuables. After spending three days in taking on board 
the necessary supplies, Drake landed the Indian where he first 
came on board, after rewarding him amply for his good services. 

On the 19th of December Drake entered a bay near a town 
named Cyppo, where, as soon as he was discovered, there came 
down above one hundred Spaniards well mounted, and two hun¬ 
dred Indians “ running as dogs at their heels, all naked, and in 
most miserable bondage.” The English retreated to their boat, 
with the exception of. one man, who, in a spirit of foolish daring, 
refusing to retire with the rest, was shot by the Spaniards, and 





56 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


[chap. III. 


was drawn by them in brutal triumph to the shore, his carcass 
placed in full sight of his companions, his head and hands cut 
off, the heart torn out; and then the Indians were ordered to 
shoot their arrows into every part of the body. 

Proceeding thence, a little further to the north, Drake found 
a convenient and quiet harbour, where he caused a pinnace 
to be set up, to enable him to search the creeks for his missing 
ships. They next landed at Tarapaca, in about 20° S. lat.; 
where, whilst seeking for water, they found a Spaniard asleep, 
with a bundle consisting of thirteen silver bars lying by his side, 
to the value of about four thousand ducats. Drake would not 
suffer any violence to be done to the man, but allowed his people 
quietly to carry away the treasure. In another place a Spaniard 
was found driving eight Peruvian sheep, or lamas, each laden 
with a hundred pounds’ weight of silver: these lamas they 
seized, and drove down to their boats. Further on was a small 
Spanish town, where the Spaniards agreed to traffic with Drake, 
and supplied him with provisions of different kinds. 

Coasting along, still in the hope of meeting with his friends, 
Drake arrived, on the 7th of February, before Arica, where he took 
two barks, on board of one of which was about eight hundred¬ 
weight of silver. On the 15th he arrived at Callao, the port of 
Lima, and entered the harbour without resistance, though about 
thirty ships were lying there, seventeen of which were prepared 
for their voyage. Whether these ships were tnanned and armed, 
or what was their size, is not stated; but it appears most strange 
that Drake, with his single ship, should have been able to strike 
such dismay into the Spaniards, that they suffered the plunder of 
their seventeen loaded ships to be carried on without the least 
attempt at resistance. 

In one of these ships they found fifteen hundred bars of silver; 
in another, a large chest of coined money; and valuable lading 
in the rest, from all of which they leisurely selected what they 
pleased ; and, had they been so disposed, they might have set 
fire to the whole of the ships; but Drake was satisfied in obtain¬ 
ing booty for himself and his crew, in compensation for the former 
wrongs he had received from the Spanish people. 

The General, however, in order to secure himself against an 
immediate pursuit, ordered the cables of the ships to be cut, and 




CHAP. 11I.J 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


57 


let them drive. He had here received intelligence of a very rich 
ship, that was laden with gold and silver, and had sailed from 
hence just before his arrival, bound for Panama. Her name was 
the Cacafuego, and she was termed ‘ the great glory of the 
South Sea. As he w'as in full chace of this vessel he fell in with 
and boarded a brigantine, out of which he took eighty pounds’ 
weight of gold, a crucifix of the same metal, and some emeralds. 
In a few days after, near Cape St. Francis, in 1° lat., he got 
sight of the Cacafuego, about one hundred and fifty leagues from 
Panama. On coming up with her, a shot or two carried away 
one of her masts, when she was boarded and easily carried. Be¬ 
sides a large quantity of pearls and precious stones, they took 
out of her eighty pounds’ weight of gold, thirteen chests of 
coined silver, and rough silver enough to ballast a ship. Having 
transferred all this to the Golden Hind, the total amount of 
which was calculated at three hundred and sixty thousand pieces 
of eight, or nearly ninety thousand pounds, they let the Caca¬ 
fuego go. 

Standing out to the westward to avoid Panama, where pro¬ 
bably they considered that they were too well known, they fell 
in with another ship, from which they obtained some linen, 
cloth, porcelain dishes, and silk. The owner of this ship, a 
Spanish gentleman, was on board her, from whom Drake is said 
to have received a falcon, wrought in pure gold, with a large 
emerald set in its breast; but whether by seizure, by purchase, 
or as a present, is not mentioned. After taking out the pilot 
for his own service, he suffered the ship to proceed on her voyage. 

He now continued his course; and keeping close to the coast 
of North America, on the 15th of April came to the port of 
Aguapulca, in latitude about 15° 30 ; N. Having here taken in 
some bread and other provisions, he prepared to depart north¬ 
wards ; but, as the Narrative says, 

“ Not forgetting, before we got a shipboard, to take with us also a certain pot 
(of about a bushell in bignesse) full of ryalls of plate, which we found in the 
towne, together with a chaine of gold, and some other jewels, which we 
entreated a gentleman Spaniard to leave behind him, as he was flying out of 
the towne.” 

At this place the Admiral set on shore Nuna de Silva, the 
Portuguese pilot, whom he had taken from the Cape de Verde 





58 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


f CHAP. III. 


Islands, and who, on his arrival at Mexico, gave to the governor 
a narrative of all the circumstances that had happened on the 
voyage, which was correct in most particulars ; and it was pub¬ 
lished by Hakluyt. There was here a ship proceeding to the 
southward, and Drake, ever anxious and mindful about his miss¬ 
ing ships, earnestly requested the captain to search for them, 
and to take charge of a letter he had written, of which the fol¬ 
lowing is a copy : — 

“ Master Winter, if it pleaseth God that you should chance to meete 
with the ship of Sant John de Anton, I pray you use him well, according to 
my word and promise given unto them; and if you want any thing that is in 
this ship of Sant John de Anton, I pray you pay them double the value for it, 
which I will satisfie againe, and command your men not to doe her any 
hurt; and what composition or agreement we have made, at my return into 
England, I will by God’s helpe performe; although I am in doubt that this 
letter will never come to your hands : notwithstanding, I am the man I have 
promised to be, beseeching God, the Saviour of all the world, to have us in 
his keeping, to whome only I give all honour, praise, and glory. 

“ What I have written is not only to you, Master Winter, but also to 
M. Thomas, M. Charles, M. Caube, and M. Anthonie, with all our other 
good friends, whom I commit to the tuition of him that, with his blood, re¬ 
deemed us, and am in good hope that we shall be in no more trouble, but 
that he will helpe us in adversitie, desiring you, for the passion of Christ, if 
you fall into any danger, that you will not despaire of God’s mercy, for he 
will defend you and preserve you from all danger, and bring us to our 
desired haven, to whom be all honour, glory, and praise, for ever and ever. 
Amen. 

“ Your sorrowfull captain, whose heart is heavy for'you, 

“ Francis Drake/ 




CHAP. IV.] 


VOYAGE ROUND TIIE WORLD. 


59 


CHAPTER IV. 

CONTINUATION OF VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 

1577—1580. 

Drake proceeds to the Northward—A North-East Passage round America 
suggested—Intense cold—Interview with the natives of the west coast of 
North America—Drake takes possession of New Albion in the Queen’s 
name—Crosses the Pacific to the Moluccas—Calls at Java—Voyage home. 

While Drake’s little bark of 100 tons, which had sustained so 
many perils, was undergoing a complete refit at Aguapulca, he 
was anxiously revolving in his mind what course it would 
best behove him to pursue. His ship was already nearly laden 
with treasure alone. In addition to this, he was about to take 
in stores and provisions for a voyage of uncertain duration, but 
which in its extent, whatever track he might pursue, was nearly 
equal to half the circumference of the globe. If he returned by 
the way he had advanced, he would have to repass Magelhaens’ 
Strait; for Cape Horn, which is now the usual route, had never 
yet been doubled ; and the Spaniards had industriously given it 
out that a return by the strait from the westward was next to 
impossible. Little did he then suppose that one of his own in¬ 
ferior ships had actually repassed it. Besides, he wisely con¬ 
sidered that his voyage, and the fame of his exploits, must have 
reached Spain, or at all events be well known throughout her 
Indian colonies; and that the natural consequence would be the 
sending a fleet to guard the entrance of the Strait, preparations 
for which purpose were indeed actually made. 

What then was to be done? The people began to manifest 
signs of uneasiness : they had lost all hopes of finding their asso¬ 
ciates, and having become rich beyond their expectations, it was 
natural they should begin to desire ease and pleasure, and be 
anxious speedily to return home. Drake did not require much 
time to make up his mind. lie had seen the two great oceans 





GO 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


[chap. d . 


united at the southern extremity of America: why then should 
they not be also united at the northern ? 

This conjecture was supported by the opinion of some of 
the most learned cosmographers of the day, who had written 
to prove that a communication existed between the Northern 
Atlantic and the Pacific; and Martin Frobisher, the friend, and 
fcubsequently the colleague, of Drake, had actually attempted the 
voyage, and returned at the end of 1576, a whole year before 
Drake left England— 

“ highly commended/’ says the historian of his voyage, “ of all men for his 
greate and notable attempt, but specially famous for the greate hope he 
brought of the passage to Catliaia.” 

Drake boldly resolved to try whether he could not reach home 
by proceeding in a contrary direction — that is to say, by the 
North-East. He failed in the attempt, as did Cook, or rather 
the survivors of Cook, in after times ; nevertheless his anticipa¬ 
tions may sooner or later be realized. 

It has now been proved, beyond a doubt, that there is a clear 
water communication between the Northern Atlantic and Pacific 
Oceans, with the partial intervention of patches of ice in some 
parts of the mid-sea, and perhaps not much there. The openings 
at the two extremities in Baffin’s Bay and Behring’s Strait have 
been passed ; and the remaining parts consist, there is every 
reason to believe, of sea unbroken by any land. 

It is probable that the attention of Drake, even before he set 
sail from England, had been directed to the question of an eastern 
passage from the northern part of the Pacific, by which his 
return voyage would be greatly shortened. But even if the 
existence of such a communication had been actually ascertained, 
the attempt, under his circumstances, would have been a bold 
and daring undertaking. With a single small vessel, a dimi¬ 
nished and feeble crew, destitute of medical aid, and cut off 
from all communication with civilized countries, and that ship 
too containing a mine of wealth, such an attempt must be con¬ 
sidered as one of the most daring and courageous undertakings 
in the records of navigation: the more so as, up to that time, it 
appears never to have been contemplated that such a passage 
should be searched for on that side of America, though it is 
most likely that by taking that course it may be found. Now 




CHAP. IV.] 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


61 


that we know that a sure ancl certain open passage exists through 
Lancaster Sound into Baffin’s Bay, the attempt would be justi¬ 
fiable ; but without such knowledge it would have been madness 
to have entered Behring’s Strait, without knowing what course 
to steer, or whether there was any opening at all, and in what 
quarter, to the eastward. But that it will be done from one side 
or the other may still be confidently hoped ; and among many 
individuals in the British navy well qualified for the task, there 
is one whose long-continued and most meritorious exertions in 
these regions would especially point him out as the fittest ex¬ 
plorer of the North-West Passage. 

The endeavour which Drake made to effect this object was 
singularly thwarted by the unexpected and very unusual severity 
of the weather at a comparatively low latitude. Fletcher’s 
account of this is as follows : — 

“ From Guatulco we departed the day following, namely, April the 16th, 
setting our course directly into the sea; whereupon we sailed 500 leagues in 
longitude to get a wind, and between that and June 3rd, 1400 leagues in all, 
till we came in 42 degrees of north latitude, wherein the night following we 
found such an alteration of heat into extreme and nipping cold, that our men 
in general did grievously complain thereof; some of them feeling their 
healths much impaired thereby; neither was it that this chanced in the night 
alone, but the day following carried with it not only the marks, but the stings 
and force of the night going before, to the great admiration of us all; for 
besides that the pinching and biting air was nothing altered, the very ropes 
of our ship were stiff, and the rain which fell was an unnatural and frozen 
substance: so that we seemed rather to be in the frozen zone than anyway so 
near unto the sun, or these hotter climates. 

“ Neither did this happen for the time only, or by some sudden accident, 
but rather seemed indeed to proceed from some ordinary cause, against the 
which the heat of the sun prevails not; for it came to that extremity, in 
sailing but two degrees further to the northward in our course, that though 
seamen lack not good stomachs, yet it seemed a question to many amongst 
us, whether their hands should feed their mouths, or rather keep themselves 
within coverts from the pinching cold that did benumb them. 

“ Neither could we impute it to the tenderness of our bodies, though we 
came lately from the extremity of heat, by reason whereof we might be more 
sensible of the present cold, insomuch that the dead and senseless creatures 
were as well affected with it as ourselves. Our meat, as soon as it was re¬ 
moved from the fire, would presently in a manner be frozen up; and our 
ropes and tacklings in a few days were grown to that stiffness, that what 
three men before were able with them to perform, now six men, with their 
best strength, and utmost endeavours, were hardly able to accomplish ; 




62 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


[chap. IV. 


whereby a sudden and great discouragement seized upon the minds of our 
men, and they were possessed with a great mislike and doubting of any good 
to be done that way : yet would not our General be discouraged ; but as well 
• by comfortable speeches of the Divine Providence, and of God’s loving care 
over his children, out of the scriptures, as also by other good and profitable 
persuasions, adding thereto his own cheerful example, he so stirred them up 
to put on a good courage, and to acquit themselves like men, to endure some 
short extremity to have the speedier comfort, and a little trouble to obtain 
the greater glory; that every man was thoroughly armed with willingness 
and resolved to see the uttermost, if it were possible, of what good was to be 
done that way. 

“ The land in that part of America bearing farther out into the west than 
we before imagined, we were nearer on it than we were aware, and yet the 
nearer still we came unto it, the more extremity of cold did seize upon us. 
The 5th day of June we were forced by contrary winds to run in with the 
shore, which we then first descried, and to cast anchor in a bad bay, the best 
road we could for the present meet with, where we were not without some 
danger by reason of the many extreme gusts and flaws that beat upon us; 
which if they ceased and were still at any time, immediately upon their 
intermission there followed most vile, thick, and stinking fogs, against which 
the sea prevailed nothing, till the gusts of wind again removed them, which 
brought with them such extremity and violence when they came, that there 
was no dealing or resisting against them. 

“ In this place was no abiding for us, and to go further north, the ex¬ 
tremity of the cold (which had now utterly discouraged all our men) would 
not permit us, and the wind being directly against us, having once gotten us 
under sail again, commanded us to the southward whether we would or no. 

“ From the height of 48°, in which now we were, to 38°, we found the 
iand, by coasting it, to be but low and reasonably plain ; every hill (whereof 
we saw many, but none very high), though it were in June, and the sun in 
the nearest approach unto them, being covered with snow.” 

“ The inhabitants of this place,” [he is speaking of a harbour in 38° 30' 
latitude,] “ who had never been acquainted with warmer climates, in whom 
custom of cold was as it were a second nature, used to come shivering in 
their warm furs, crowding close together, body to body, to receive heat one 
from another, and to shelter themselves under lee banks; and afterwards 
(when they became more familiar with the English) they endeavoured, as 
often as they could, to shroud themselves for warmth under the garments of 
the Englishmen.” 

This account is the more extraordinary, as all our navigators, 
from Cook and Vancouver downwards, speak of the mildness of 
the Californian climate. 

All the accounts of Drake’s voyage state that the natives of 
the north-west shores of America regarded him and his people 
as gods. 




CHAP. IV.] 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


63 


“ They returned our presents,” says the ‘ World Encompassed,’ “ because 
they thought themselves sufficiently enriched and happy that they had found 
so fi ee access to see us. They stood as men ravished with admiration at the 
sight of such things as they had never before heard of, nor seen, seeming 
rather to reverence us as deities than mortal men.” 

Drake having been driven to the southward, and finding a con¬ 
venient harbour on the 17th of June, in lat. 38° 30' north—the 
land inhabited, and the houses of the natives close to the water’s 
side—decided on remaining there to put his ship to rights, and 
to refresh his crew. At the moment of their arrival, numbers 
of the natives had been seen on shore, and one man came off to 
the ship in a canoe. On approaching, he made a long oration ; 
and having finished his harangue, with great show of reverence, 
returned to the shore. The ship had sprung a leak on her 
passage, which made it necessary to lighten her, and bring her 
as close to the shore as could be done with safety. Tents were 
landed for the men, and something like a fort erected for the 
protection of the stores and the crew. 

The people of the country looked on for a time: when they 
saw that the strangers were establishing themselves, they came 
down in great numbers ; but on approaching within a small 
distance, remained perfectly quiet, looking attentively at what 
was going on, and, though armed, manifested not the least 
symptom of hostile intentions. Signs were made to them to lay 
down their bows and arrows, which they at once did. The 
General, with the view of securing their good will, distributed 
little presents among them ; and they, in return, presented him 
with feathers, net-work, and skins. In the evening they returned 
quietly to their village, near a mile distant, where they kept up 
a loud clamour for some time, the women shrieking fearfully. 

“For two days,” says the Narrative, “ after the night mostly spent in lamenta¬ 
tions, none of them came near the tents ; but on the third day, a much more 
numerous assemblage than before appeared on the summit of the hill, which 
was nearest to the English fort. Here one of them made a loud and long 
oration, at the end of which they all laid down their bows and arrows, 
which they left upon the hill, and came down to the tents. The women, 
however, remained on the hill, ‘ tormenting themselves lamentably, tearing 
the flesh from their cheeks, whereby we perceived they were about a sacri¬ 
fice.’ In the meantime our General with his companie went to prayer, and 
the reading of the Scriptures, at which exercise they were attentive, and 
seemed to be greatly affected with it: but when they were come unto us, 







64 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


[chap. IV. 


they restored again unto us those tilings which before we bestowed upon 
them. 

“ Presently came down from the country a great multitude, and among 
them a man of goodly stature, and comely personage, who was the King 
himself, accompanied by many tall and warlike men. Before his majesty 
advanced, two ambassadors presented themselves to the General to announce 
his approach, but continued speaking for about an hour ; at the end of which 
the Hioh or King, making as princely a show as he possibly could, with all 
his train, came forward; in the course of which they cried continually, after 
a singing manner, with a lusty courage. As they drew nearer and nearer 
towards us, so did they more and more strive to behave themselves with a 
certain comeliness and gravity in all their actions.” 

Indeed, they appear to have been a harmless and inoffensive 
people, the Chief and all the other men joining in a song, and 
moving in a kind of dance. The harmless manner of their 
approach took from the General all suspicion; and he gave 
directions for their being admitted within the enclosure of the 
tents without interruption, and they entered the fort singing 
and dancing. Amid this festivity, the King or Chief placed a 
feathered cap of net-work on the General’s head, and a chain 
around his neck, and saluted him by the name of Hioh. By 
this act Drake not unreasonably supposed it was meant to con¬ 
vey the whole country and themselves to the new-comers; and 
he gave them to understand, in the best way he was able, that 
he accepted them in the name, and for the use of, the Queen of 
England. 

“After they had satisfied, or rather tired themselves in this manner 
(singing and dancing, and the women tearing themselves, till the face, 
breasts, and other parts were bespatted with blood), they made signs to our 
General to have him sit down. Both the King and divers others made 
several orations, or rather, indeed, if we had understood them, supplications, 
that he would take the province and kingdom into his hand, and become 
their king and patron; making signs that they would resign unto him their 
right and title in the whole land, and become his vassals in themselves and 
their posterities; which, that they might make us indeed believe that it was 
their true meaning and intent, the King himself, with all the rest, with one 
consent, and with great reverence, joyfully singing a song, set the crown 
upon his head; enriched his neck with all their chains; and offering unto 
him many other things, honoured him with the name of Hioh : adding 
thereto, as it might se^.m, a song and dance of triumph: because they were 
not only visited of the gods, (for so they still judged us to be,) but that the 
great and chief god was now become their god, their king and patron, and 
themselves were become tne only happy and blessed people in the world.” 




CHAP. IV.] 


"VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


65 


Admiral Burney seems to have some doubt, and well he may, 
whether this ceremony was so clearly understood as to warrant 
the interpretation put upon it by the writer of the Narrative: — 

“ The invariable custom,” he observes, “ adopted by Europeans, of 
claiming and taking formal possession of every new land they meet with, 
whether it is inhabited or uninhabited, never entering into the considera¬ 
tion, no doubt disposed Drake to credit (if it is true that he did credit it) 
that these people simply and for no cause, value received, or other conside¬ 
ration, made a voluntary gift of themselves and their country to him, a 
perfect stranger. Such is stated to have been the fact; and against allega¬ 
tions of fact incredulity is no proof. 

“ The English were certainly regarded by the natives here with an un¬ 
common degree of favour, for which two very natural reasons may be 
assigned. This part of the American continent had been visited by Juan 
Rodriguez Cabrillo, and by no other European. His interview with the 
natives was of the most friendly kind. No intervening circumstance could 
have occurred to change the nature of the impressions left by Cabrillo; and 
this disposition, so favourable to Europeans, the conduct of Drake, friendly 
and humane towards them, confirmed.”* 

The men were naked, but their bodies painted with different 
colours. They are thus described in the 4 World Encompassed:’ 

“ They are a people of a tractable, free, and loving nature, without guile or 
treachery. Their bows and arrows would do no great harm, being weak, 
and fitter for children than for men; and yet the men were so strong of 
body, that what two or three of our people could scarcely bear, one of them 
would take upon his back, and, without grudging, carry it up hill and down 
hill, an English mile together. The women were very obedient and service¬ 
able to their husbands. 

“ Before we went from hence, our General caused a post to be set up on 
shore, a monument of our being there; as also of her Majesty’s and suc¬ 
cessor’s right and title to that kingdom, namely, a plate of brass, fast nailed 
to a great and firm post; whereon is engraven her Grace’s name, and the 
day and year of our arrival there, and of the free giving up of the province 
and kingdom, both by the king and people, into her Majesty's hands; 
together with her Highness’s picture and arms in a piece of sixpence, 
current English money, showing itself by a hole made of purpose through 
the plate : underneath was likewise engraven the name of our General, &c.” 

To show respect to his own country, and because white cliffs 
were observed on the coast, Drake gave to all the land he had 
seen in this part of America the name of New Albion. They 
remained thirty-six days in port; and when the time approached 

* Burney’s ‘ South Sea Discoveries.’ 

F 



6G 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


[chap, tv 


for their departure the friendly natives appeared to be deeply 
affected, and to wish for their speedy return ; and the separation 
was accompanied with every token of mutual good will towards 
each other. 

“ There is reason,” says Burney, “ to conclude that the Port of Drake 
was that which is now known by the name of Port San, Francisco , the 
latitude of which is 37° 48'^ N. For, as the latitude given in the Famous 
Foijage is 38° N., and in the ‘ World Encompassed ’ 38° 30', and the lati¬ 
tude of Port San Francisco is 37° 48'£ N.; there can be little doubt they 
are one and the same.” Burney adds in a note—“Allowing them to be the 
same, it is remarkable that both the most northern and the most southern 
ports at which Drake anchored in the course of his voyage, should after¬ 
wards by the Spaniards, doubtless without any intended reference to the 
name of Francis Drake, be named San Francisco .” 

Thus we may observe that this portion of the west coast of 
America was indeed discovered, and taken possession of in the 
usual manner, by an Englishman, in the name of his sovereign, 
full two hundred years before the United States of America had 
any existence; and yet they have the modesty to lay claim to it 
on the assumption that an American discovered it some few 
years ago. But discovery, or prescription, as Queen Elizabeth 
justly said, “ is little worth without actual possession.” If it 
were not so, what indeed would become of our title to Australia 
and Van Diemen’s Land, where a host of Dutch names stare us 
in the face? 

On the 23rd of July the Golden Hind left the western coast 
of America, and, as long as she was in sight of it, the kind 
natives kept up fires on the hills. Whatever the original inten¬ 
tion of Drake had been in attempting an eastern passage round 
the northern part of America, if no other motive induced him 
to abandon it, the advanced season of the year, and the extreme 
degree of cold they had already experienced in so low a latitude 
as 48°, no doubt determined him to cross the Pacific, which 
however was a long ocean voyage, as unknown to him as the 
passage of the Strait of Magelhaens had been. Fortunately, 
however, he had obtained from the master of a trading ship from 
Panama to the Philippine Islands, “ a sea-card” (no doubt a 
chart of the route), and therefore the best they could do was 
to direct their course for the Philippines. 

They continued their course, without sight of any land, for 



CHAP. IV.] 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


67 


the space of sixty-eight days ; and on the 30th of September fell 
in with certain islands lying in about 8 degrees to the northward 
of the line. The natives came off in their canoes, each hollowed 
out of a single tree, bringing cocoa-nuts, fruits, and fish. The 
first that came appeared to be well disposed ; but others acted 
dishonestly, carrying off whatever articles were once put into 
their hands. The English therefore would have nothing to do 
with them in the way of trade; on which, to manifest their re¬ 
sentment, they began to attack the ship with stones, with which 
they had provided themselves. A gun was fired over their heads, 
the noise of which frightened them; but none being hurt they 
returned, and were more insolent than before. The patience of 
Drake was now exhausted, and he ordered some muskets to be 
fired at them; for they could not be got rid of till they were 
made to feel some smart as well as terror. Drake gave these 
islands the name of the Islands of Thieves. Admiral Burney 
thinks, from the description of the natives, the time of the passage 
to them, and the latitude, that they are the islands which in our 
time have been called the Pellew Islands. 

Leaving these islands, they sailed westerly, from the 3rd to 
the 16th of October, without seeing any land till they made the 
Philippine Islands, and coasted them until the 21st, when they 
anchored and watered the ship at the largest of the group, 
called Mindanao; and sailing thence about eight leagues, they 
passed between two islands south of Mindanao, and on the 3rd 
of November had sight of the Moluccas, and steered for Tidore ; 
but having received information that the Portuguese had been 
driven out ofTernate, and had taken up their quarters at Tidore, 
Drake determined to proceed to the former place. 

On anchoring at this city, the capital of the Moluccas, Drake 
sent a messenger with a velvet cloak to the King, with a requesr 
to be supplied with provisions, and allowed to purchase various 
kinds of spices. The King himself came off to the ship, pre¬ 
ceded by three large and magnificent canoes, each having eighty 
rowers, who paddled to the sound of brass cymbals. On each 
side of these canoes was a row of soldiers, every one having a 
sword, dagger, and target; and in each there was also a small 
niece of ordnance, mounted on a stock. Drake received the King 
in great state, himself and all his officers being dressed in their 






VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


[chap. IV. 


68 

richest clothes, guns firing, and trumpets sounding. The King 
was a tall, corpulent man, with a good countenance. His 
attendants showed him great respect, speaking to him only in a 
kneeling posture. 

On taking leave, he promised to visit the General on the fol¬ 
lowing day, and that the ship should be supplied with provisions. 
Abundance of rice, fruits, and poultry were sent off, together 
with a small quantity of cloves. The King, however, instead of 
visiting them as he had promised, sent his brother with an excuse 
and an invitation to the General to land. This Drake declined, 
but some of his officers waited on the King, the brother being 
detained on board as a pledge for their safety. The King, who 
was covered with a profusion of gold ornaments and jewels, re¬ 
ceived them with much parade. 

“ The King being yet absent, there sate in their places 60 grave person¬ 
ages, all of which were said to be of the king’s counsel. There were besides 
4 grave persons, apparalled all in red, downe to the ground, and attired on 
their heads like the Turkes, and these were said to be Romanes, and Ligiers 
there to keep continual traffike with the people of Ternate. There were 
also 2 Turks Ligiers in this place, and one Italian. The king at last came 
in guarded with 12 launces covered over with a rick canopy, with embossed 
gold. Our men, accompanied with one of their captaines called Moro, rising 
to meet him, he graciously did welcome and entertaine them. He was 
attired after the manner of the country, but more sumptuously then the rest. 
From his waste down to the ground; was all clothe of golde, and the same 
very rich: his legges were bare, but on his feet were a paire of shooes, made 
of Cordouan skinne. In the attire of his head were finely wreathed hooped 
rings of gold, and about his necke he had a chaine of perfect golde, the 
linkes whereof were great, and one folde double. On his fingers hee had 
sixe very faire jewels, and sitting in his chair of estate, at his right hand 
stood a page with a fanne in his hand, breathing and gathering the ayre to 
the king. The fanne w r as in length two foote, and in breadth one foote, 

set with 8 saphyres, richly embroidered, and knit to a staffe 3 foote in 

length, by the which the page did hold, and moove it. Our gentlemen 
having delivered their message, and received order accordingly, were li¬ 
censed to depart, being safely conducted backe againe by one of the king’s 
co unsell.” 

Drake appears to have gained by his conduct golden opinions 

from all he had to deal with here. The son of this King of 

Ternate, after the death of his father, wrote to King James, 
soliciting his friendship and aid, and said— 

Hearing of the good report of your Majesty by the coming of the 




chap, iv.] VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 69 

gioat Captain, Francis Drake, in the time of my father, which was about 
some fifty years past; by the which Captain my predecessor did send a 
ring unto the Queen of England, as a token of remembrance between us; 
which, if the aforesaid Drake had been living, he could have informed your 
Majesty of the great love and friendship of either side; he in behalf of the 
Queen, my father for him and his successors; since which time of the de¬ 
parture of the foresaid Captain, we have daily expected his return, my father 
living many years after, and daily expecting his return ; and I, after the 
death of my father, have lived in the same hope, ’til I was father of eleven 
children ; in which time I have been informed that the English were men of 
so bad disposition, that they came not as peaceable merchants, but to dis¬ 
possess us of our country ; which, by the coming of the bearer hereof, 
(Captain Middleton,) we have found to the contrary, which greatly we 
rejoice at, &c.”* 

He then goes on to say that, as the English failed them, they 
were obliged to call in the Dutch to expel their enemies the 
Portuguese out of the forts they held at Amboyna and Tidore— 
a bad exchange for English aid, we may add, when the horrible 
massacres by the Dutch at Amboyna are called to recollection. 

What the King states in his letter, concerning the promises 
of Drake, is probably true; for we find from Hakluyt that the 
General received many offers of friendship from the King, who 
proposed, if he would enter into a treaty of amity and commerce 
with him, that the trade of Ternate should be reserved exclu¬ 
sively for England. It was in fact this sovereign who dispos¬ 
sessed the Portuguese of the dominion they had so long enjoyed 
at Ternate. 

Drake having furnished his ship with provisions, and pro¬ 
cured a large supply of cloves, on the 9th of November sailed 
from the capital of the Moluccas ; and on the 11th anchored at a 
small island near the eastern part of Celebes, where he repaired 
his ship. The island was uninhabited, and they remained there 
for some weeks undisturbed, erected tents, and set up a forge on 
shore. The island was one continued forest; and most of the 
trees were large, lofty, and straight, without a branch till near 
the top. No fresh water was found on the island, but they ob¬ 
tained a supply from an adjoining one. 

«Among the trees night by night, through the whole land, did shew 
themselves an infinite swarm of fiery wormes flying through the ayre ; whos» 


* Purchas—East India Voyage. 







70 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


[chap. IV 


bodies being no bigger than our common English flies, make such a shew 
and light, as if every twigge or tree had been a burning candle. In this 
place breedeth also wonderful store of bats, as bigge as large hennes; of 
cray-fishes also heere wanted no plentie, and they of exceeding bignesse, 
one whereof was sufficient for four hungry stomachs at a dinner, being also 
very good and restoring meate, whereof we had experience; and they dig 
themselves holes in the earth like conies.” 

They left this island on the 12th of December, and steered 
westward ; but on their course they got so entangled among the 
small islands and shoals of the Celebes, that in order to extricate 
themselves they stood off to the southward, where there appeared 
to be a more clear sea. On the night of the 9th of January, 
1580, whilst running under all sail set, and the wind blowing 
moderately fresh, the Golden Hind all at once struck on a rocky 
shoal, and stuck fast. 

Here the ship remained firmly fixed all night. At daybreak 
every exertion was made to get her off. The water was of such 
a great depth on every side of the shoal as to make it impossible 
to heave her off by getting out an anchor. In this state of dis¬ 
tress the whole ship’s company was summoned to prayers— 

“ commending ourselves into the merciful hands of our most gracious God : 
for tliis purpose we presently fell prostrate, and with joined prayers sent up 
to the throne of grace, humbly besought Almighty God to extend his mercy 
unto us in his son Christ Jesus; and so preparing, as it were, our necks 
unto the block, we every minute expected the final stroke to be given 
unto us.” 

That duty performed, it was determined to lighten the ship of 
part of her lading. Three tons of cloves, eight of the guns, and 
a quantity of meal and beans, were thrown overboard, but with¬ 
out effect; but although the danger was so imminent, the idea 
of lightening the ship by throwing out any of the treasure on 
board, which was the heaviest part of their cargo, appears never 
to have been entertained. Fortunately at low water, as the ship 
fell over on one side, she slipped off from the ledge of the rock, 
and floated into deep water.* 

* Fuller gives a different account; on what authority does not appear: but 
the passage is too characteristic and too striking to be omitted:—“ The ship 
struck twice on a dangerous shoal, knocking twice at the door of death, 
which no doubt had opened the third time. Here they struck, having 
ground too much, and yet too little to land on ; and water too much, and yet 




CUAP. IV.] 


VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 


71 


Oil the 14th ot March they arrived at some port at the south 
side of Java, where they remained till the 26th, and procured 
every kind ot supply they stood in need of. Their time was 
here passed in feasting and friendly intercourse with the native 
chiefs, who then were not fettered by any Dutch masters. 

From Java they put to sea for the Cape of Good Hope, which 
they passed without stopping, though it was the first land they 
fell in with. 

On the 22nd of July they reached Sierra Leone, on the coast 
of Africa, where they stopped two days to take in water, and ob¬ 
tained there oysters and fruit. On the 24th they again put to 
sea; and on the 26th of September, 1580, 

“ which,” says the Narrative, “ was Monday in the just and ordinary 
reckoning of those that had stayed at home, in one place or country, (but 
in our computation was the Lord’s day or Sunday,) we safely, with joyful 
minds and thankful hearts to God, arrived at Plimoutli, the place of our first 
setting forth, after we had spent two years, ten months, and some odd days 
beside, in seeing the wonders of the Lord in the deep, in discerning so many 
admirable things, in going through with so many strange adventures, in 
escaping out of so many dangers, and overcoming so many difficulties, in this 
our encompassing of this nether globe, and passing round about the world, 
which we have related. 

Soli rerum maximarum Effectori, 

Soli totius mundi Gubernatori, 

Soli suorum Conservatori, 

Soli Deo sit semper gloria.” 


too little to sail in. Had God, who, as the wise man saith, holdeth the winds 
in his fist, but opened his little finger, and let out the smallest blast, they 
had undoubtedly been cast away: but there blew not any wind all the while. 
Then they, conceiving aright that the best way to lighten the ship was first 
to ease it of the burden of their sins by true repentance, humbled themselves 
by fasting under the hand of God : afterwards they received the communion, 
dining on Christ in the sacrament, expecting no other than to sup with him 
in heaven. Then they cast out of their ship six great pieces of ordnance: 
threw overboard as much wealth as would break the heart of a miser to 
think on’t; with much sugar and packs of spices, making a caudle of the 
sea round about. Then they betook themselves to their prayers, the best 
lever at such a dead lift indeed; and it pleased God that the wind, formerly 
their mortal enemy, became their friend .”—Holy State, 127. 




72 


DRAKE IN ENGLAND. 


fciIAP. V. 


CHAPTER Y. 

DRAKE IN ENGLAND. 

1580—1585. 

Drake is well received at Plymouth—Neglected in London; and at the 
Court—Restored to the favour of the Queen, who visits his ship at Dept¬ 
ford—Confers Knighthood on him—Honours paid to the ship—Amount 
of Treasure brought home. 

As soon as Drake’s arrival with his single ship at Plymouth was 
known, the inhabitants hastened in crowds to the shore to wel¬ 
come their old friend. On landing he was received by the 
Mayor and civic authorities, the bells of St. Andrew’s church 
ringing a merry peal, which was prolonged during the whole 
day. The general joy was extreme, for after the arrival of 
Captain John Winter, who was always considered as having 
deserted him, a strong impression had arisen that some fatal 
disaster had befallen Drake. The day w r as spent in feasting and 
rejoicing. On the morrow his first visit was to his native 
village near Tavistock ; for this brave and right-minded man 
considered it an act of pious devotion to visit the residence of his 
old parents, in which most probably he first drew his breath, and 
from which those parents had been driven by religious persecu¬ 
tion. 

Having been feted for some days by the authorities of Ply¬ 
mouth and the neighbouring gentry, he rejoined his little bark, 
the Golden Hind, which had borne him through so many perils 
and adventures, and with which, as one of the old writers ob¬ 
serves, u he had ploughed up a furrow round the world,” and in 
her set sail for Deptford. The report of his return had of course 
preceded his appearance in London; where not only his adven¬ 
tures were the topic of conversation, but the most exaggerated 
accounts were circulated as to the immense wealth he had brought 




CUAP. V.] 


DRAKE IN ENGLAND. 


73 


back, and various were the opinions as to whether it had been 
lawfully and honestly acquired. But that which must have the 
most annoyed him, was the total inattention of the Court, where, 
before his departure, he had been so cordially received, and 
where his projected enterprise had met with such flattering 
encouragement. No intimation was now given that his appear¬ 
ance there would be acceptable ; and although the first English¬ 
man, and the second man of any country, who had circumnavi¬ 
gated the globe, he was not considered worthy of his sovereign’s 
special notice. It is said, indeed, that even in less dignified 
circles the cool reception that Drake met with was too marked 
to be misunderstood ; and that some were squeamish enough to 
refuse the acceptance of any trifling curiosity at his hands, lest it 
might not have been honestly come by. Stow’s account of the 
matter is not uninteresting. He says, in his Chronicles— 

“ The newes of this his great wealth so far fetcht, was miraculous strange, 
and of all men held impossible and incredible, but both proving true, it 
fortuned that many misliked it and reproached him: besides all this there 
were others that devised and divulged all possible disgraces against Drake 
and his followers, deaming him the master thiefe of the unknowne world; 
yet neverthelesse, the people generally, with exceeding admiration, ap¬ 
plauded his wonderful long adventures and rich prize, chiefly for some such 
reasons following. 

“ The Queene, not yet persuaded to accept and approve his unknowne 
purchase, paused a while and heard every opinion, which at that time were 
many; the principal points whereof were, that if this action of Drake should 
be justified, it would call in question the late piracy of Captayne Christ- 
masse: the staying of the Spanish king’s treasure by Martine Frobisher: 
hinder commerce : break the league : raise reproach: breede warre with the 
house of Burgundy: and cause imbargo of the English shippes and goodes 
in Spayne. Whereunto answer was made, that it was neither prize, nor 
piracy, nor civill policy, to cast so much treasure out of their possession : 
neither could any prince or private subject rightly challenge it: nor by it 
any offence committed, or intended to any Christian prince or state. 

“ And that it was very necessary to retaigne it, as well for further triall 
of the Spanish malice, shewed to the English merchants in Spayne; as for 
the descrying of secret enemies at home, against both which, it would prove 
a present remedy : as also that if warres ensued, which the Spanyards long 
threatened, then the same treasure of itself would fully defray the charge of 
seaven yeares warres, prevent and save the common subject from taxes, 
loanes, privy seals, subsidies and fifteenes, and give them good advantage 
against a daring adversary: the which said opinion strongly prevayled. 

“Yet Captaine Drake, all this while, being therewithal, and by his friends 



DRAKE IN ENGLAND. 


[CHAP. V. 


74 


much encouraged, rested doubtful of the event, untill the day that the 
Queen’s Majesty came aborde his weather-beaten barke; where being as 
highly graced as his heart coulde wish, with knightly honors, princely com¬ 
mendations and encouragements, he forthwith visited his friendes in courte, 
towne and countrey, his name and fame became admirable in all places, the 
people swarming dayly in the streets to beholde him, vowing hatred to all 
that durst mislike him. Books, pictures and ballades were published in 
his prayse, his opinion and judgment concerning marine affayres stoode cur¬ 
rant.” 

It must be noticed, however, that Drake had for five months 
been held in suspense, as to the view which the Queen would 
take of the business, upon which, of course, his future fame 
would mainly depend. He was now, however, to be highly 
honoured and amply gratified. 

“ They came home into England,” continues Stow, “in the year 1580; 
and in the year next following, to wit, 1581, on the 4th of April, her Ma¬ 
jesty dining at Deptford, after dinner entered the ship which Captain Drake 
had so happily^ guided round about the world, and being there, a bridge 
which her Majesty had passed over, brake, being upon the same more than 
two hundred persons, and no man hurt by the fall; and there she did make 
Captain Drake knight, in the same ship, for reward of his service; his 
armes were given him, a ship on the world, which ship, by her Majestie’s 
commandment, is lodged in a dock at Deptford, for a monument to all pos¬ 
terity, of that famous and worthie exploite, whereof a worshipfull gentle¬ 
man, Maister William Borough, in his preface to a book entitled ‘ A dis¬ 
course of the variation of the compasse or magnetical needle,’ hath these 
words : 1 So now at length (saith he) 'our countrieman Sir Francis Drake, 
for valorous attempt, prudent proceeding, and fortunate performing his 
voyage about the world, is not only" become equal to any of them that live, 
but in fame farr surpassing.’ ” 

The Queen, it appears, commanded that the Golden Hind 
should be preserved, as a striking monument of Drake’s services 
and his country’s glory; and for a long series of years it re¬ 
mained in Deptford dock-yard as an object of curiosity and 
admiration. When it was too far decayed to receive repairs, a 
sufficient quantity of sound wood was selected out of it, and 
converted into a chair, which was presented to the Universitv of 
Oxford, with the following appropriate verses written by the 
celebrated Cowley: — 

“ To this great ship which round the globe has run, 

And match’d in race the chariot of the sun; 

This Pythagorean ship, (for it may claim, 

Without presumption, so deserv’d a name,) 



CHAP. V.] 


DRAKE IN ENGLAND. 


75 


By knowledge once, and transformation now, 

In her new shape, this sacred port allow. 

Drake and his ship could not have wish’d from fate 
An happier station or more blest estate. 

For lo! a seat of endless rest is given 
To her in Oxford, and to him in heaven.” 

Among- other verses in praise of the circumnavigator the 
following, said to be written by some of the scholars of Win¬ 
chester School, were set up upon the main-mast of the Golden 
Hind:— 

“ Plus ultra, Herculeis inscribas, Drace, columnis, 

Et magno dicas Hercule major ero. 

Drace, pererrati novit quern terminus orbis, 

Quemque semel mundi vidit uterque Polus, 

Si taceant homines, facient te sidera notum ; 

Sol nescit Comitis non memor esse sui. 

Digna ratis quoc stet radiantibus inclyta stellis ; 

Supremo cadi vertice digna ratis.” 

“ But these things,” says Camden, “ may seem too light, and to proceed 
from an idle brain, and not beseeming the gravity of an historian.” 

This yrave historian, however, deals in queer stories occa¬ 
sionally. Speaking, in his 6 Britannia/ of the shire of Buchan, 
in Scotland, he says— 

“ It is hardly worth while to mention the clayks, a sort of geese, which are 
believed by some, with great admiration, to grow upon trees on this coast, 
and in other places; and, when they are ripe, to fall down into the sea, be¬ 
cause neither their nests nor eggs can anywhere be found. But they who 
saw the ship in -which Sir Francis Drake sailed round the world, when it 
was laid up in the river Thames, could testify that little birds bred in the old 
rotten keels of ships, since a great number of such, without life a d feathers, 
stuck close to the outside of the keel of that ship. Yet I should think that 
die generation of these birds was not from the logs of wood, but from the 
sea, termed by the poets, * the parent of all things.’ ” 

Camden evidently was not acquainted with the fact of there 
being a barnacle shell , as well as barnacle goose. 

It would appear that after a time the Golden Blind became a 
resort of holiday people, the cabin being converted into a sort of 
banqueting-house. 

Among the indiscriminate captures that Drake had made there 
w'as a considerable amount of property belonging to private 
individuals, and he could not doubt that, as soon as it should be 




76 


DRAKE IN ENGLAND. 


[chap, v, 


discovered he had returned home, these individuals personally, or 
through their agents, would attack him for indemnification ; and 
such very shortly was the case. The Spanish Ambassador, Don 
Barnardin de Mendoza, was instructed by his Government to 
make representations to Queen Elizabeth regarding the enormi¬ 
ties committed by Drake in his late voyage, and the depreda¬ 
tions on the inhabitants of the territories in America, which 
belonged exclusively to his nation ; and to demand, in the name 
of his Sovereign, full restitution for the property so seized, and 
punishment of the offender. Mendoza carried his insolent 
demand to such a length, as to imply that the English had no 
right to navigate the Indian Ocean. To whom the Queen re¬ 
turned this spirited reply :— 

“ That the Spaniards, by their ill treatment of her subjects, to whom they 
had prohibited commerce, contrary to the law of nations, had drawn these 
mischiefs upon themselves. That Drake should be forthcoming to answer 
according to law, if he were convicted by good evidence and testimony to 
have committed anything against law and right. That the goods in question 
were purposely laid by, that satisfaction might be made to the Spaniards, 
though the Queen had spent a greater sum of money than Drake had brought 
in, against those rebels whom the Spaniards had raised and encouraged 
against her, both in Ireland and England. Moreover, she understood not 
why her, or any other Prince’s, subjects should be debarred from the Indies, 
which she could not persuade herself the Spaniards had any just title to, by 
the Bishop of Rome’s donation (in whom she acknowledged no prerogative, 
much less authority, in shch cases, so as to lay any tie upon Princes which 
owed him no obedience or observance, or, as it were, to infeoffe the Spaniard 
in that new world, and invest him with the possession thereof), nor yet by 
any other claim, than as they had touched here and there upon the coasts, 
built cottages, and given names to a river or a cape; which things cannot 
entitle them to a propriety. So that this donation of that which is another 
man’s, which is of no validity in law, and this imaginary propriety, cannot 
hinder other princes from trading into those countries, and, without breach 
of the law of nations, from transporting colonies into those parts thereof 
w r here the Spaniards inhabit not (forasmuch as prescription without posses¬ 
sion is little worth), neither from freely navigating that vast ocean, seeing 
the use of the sea and air is common to all. Neither can a title to the ocean 
belong to any people, or private persons: forasmuch as neither nature nor 
public use and custom permitted any possession thereof.” 

A certain sum of money was however ordered to be paid by 
Drake to a person of the name of Pedro Lebura, whom the Am¬ 
bassador presen U d as an accredited agent for certain individuals, 
who had made good their claims on account of private property. 



CHAP. V.J 


DRAKE IN ENGLAND. 


77 


This money, it afterwards turned out, was never paid to the 
proper owners ; but was, by order of the King, employed against 
Elizabetli in paying the Spaniards serving in the Netherlands. 

What the sum was does not appear ; but there is a minute of 
the Lord High Treasurer of certain sums of money paid by Sir 
Francis Drake into the Royal Mint, of which the following is a 
copy extracted from the State Papers of Lord Burleigh :_ 

*' A Briefe Note of all such Silver Bullion as was brought into the Tower by 
Sir Fras. Drake, Knight, and laid in the Vaute under the Jewel-House, 
as also what hath been taken out, and what remaineth, (viz.) 26 Dec 
1585 :— 


In ingots of silver, being fine and coarse") 
by tale, 650, which waieth in gross weight! 


Weight, 
lb. oz. 

22,899 5 


lb. 


More in small pieces called corento,) 
which is coarse silver that hath been ga-1 
thered in the mines without refining and j 
melting thereof, weighing in gross weight J 


512 


23,411 


oz 


11 


There hath been coyned, as by her Ma-'j £. s. d. \ 
jesty’s Warrant appeareth, for the Right! 

Hon. Sir Christopher Hatton, knight, to the j ’ 0 0 

sum of .J 


Item , As by another Warrant of her 
Majesty, there hath been coyned for the 
Right Hon. Sir Fras. Walsingham, knight, 
to the sum of .... 

Item, by another of her Majesty’s War-) 
rants there hath been coyned for the Right > 4,000 
Hon. the Earl of Leicester, to the sum of . J 


4,000 


0 0 

/ 39,925 15 9 

0 0 


Item, there is refined and molten of the . 

said silver into clean ingotts to the sum of ° J y 

Totall Sum taken out of the vaute is / 


More in gold bullion brought in by the said Sir Fras.) £. s. d. 
Drake, knight, in cakes and ingotts of severall fines, weigh¬ 
ing 101 lb. loz., which said gold is refined, molten and> 205 0 0 

coyned into 30s. and 15s. pieces, the charges being deducted | 
to the sum of ....... 


There remaineth in coarse ingotts of silver in the vautel 
under the Jewel-House, by tale, 243, which are to be refined ! 
and molten, weighing in gross weight . . . . J 

More remaineth in the said vaute, the small pieces called] 
corento, which is coarse silver as above said, weighing in > 
gross weight * . . . . . . . . J 


lb. oz. 
8544 111 

512 6” 


* 


Burleigh’s State Papers. 








78 


DRAKE IN ENGLAND. 


[chap. V. 


The following- passage occurs in Purchas : — 

“ Captain Drake carried from the coast of Peru, eight hundred sixtie-six 
thousand pieces of silver, which is eight hundred sixty-six kintals, at a hun¬ 
dred pound waight the kintal, and every kintal is worth twelve hundred 
duckets of Spaine, which is a million, thirty-nine thousand and two hundred 
duckets. Besides this, he carried away a hundred thousand pieces of gold, 
which is ten kintals, and every kintal is worth fifteen hundred duckets of 
Spain, which amountetli to a hundred and fiftie thousand duckets, besides 
that which he had in the ship that was not customed, which I do not know 
of; as well pearls, precious stones, and other things of great value, besides 
the money he had in coine.” 

Whether the money mentioned by Purchas be any part of the 
bullion adverted to in the preceding account would probably be 
shown by the inaccessible documents of the Lord Treasurer 
at Hatfield House. We see by this account in what manner 
something above 10,000/. was disposed of, but there is no state¬ 
ment showing how the balance of 29 ,6251. was accounted for, 
nor of the additional gold and silver brought in by Drake, 
amounting to about 27,160/., and which, taken together, amounts 
to the sum of 56,800/., or thereabouts. It is not clear, however, 
that any part of this was appropriated to meet the claim of the 
Spanish agent, who nevertheless did, from some fund or other, 
receive and misapply a certain sum of money ; nor does it appear 
that all or any part of it was restored to Drake. 

There is, however, aii old volume, 4 The Merchant’s Mappe of 
Commerce, by Lewes Roberts,’ printed in 1638; and now very 
little known, but highly esteemed at the time, which states the 
amount of profit obtained by the adventurers who assisted in 
fitting out and joining Drake’s expedition. The volume is 
dedicated to Sir Maurice Abbot, Governor of the East India 
Company, and Mr. Alderman Garraway, Governor of the Levant 
Company ; of both which Companies Mr. Roberts was a mem¬ 
ber. He says— 

“ This voyage made profit to himself (Drake) and merchants of London, 
his partners and fellow-adventurers, according to an account made up at his 
return, all charges paid and discharged, which I have seen, subscribed under 
his own hand, 47/. for 1 /.; so that he who adventured with him in this 
voyage 100/, had 4700/. for the same, by which may be gathered the benefit 
that redounded thereby ; though accompanied with many rubbes, delaies and 
dangers.”* 

* Communicated by Mr. Bolton Corney, from whom much valuable in¬ 
formation has been received by the Author. 






CHAP. V.J 


DRAKE IN ENGLAND. 


79 


It does not appear that any inquiry was made, after Drake’s 
arrival in England, regarding the extraordinary trial and execu¬ 
tion of Doughty at Port St. Julian. The whole affair must have 
been well known at home from the report of Captain Winter and 
his ship’s crew; and if, during the five months that Drake was 
excluded, as it were, from the Court, and various attempts were 
made to disparage his fame, no case was got up against him on 
the score of this transaction, we may consider him to have been 
fully acquitted in public opinion of any impropriety in the pro¬ 
ceedings regarding this unfortunate business. 

Prince, in his 4 Worthies of Devon,’ gives the following 
story, which, although it appears to be unsupported by any evi¬ 
dence, and is highly improbable, has obtained so great a degree 
of credit that we do not deem it right to pass it by unnoticed :— 

“ It was about this time,” says Prince, “ that there fell out a contest be¬ 
tween Sir Bernard Drake, and the immortal Sir Fras. Drake : chiefly occa¬ 
sioned by Sir Francis his assuming Sir Bernard’s coat of arms, not being 
able to make out his descent from his family; a matter in those days, when 
the court of honour was in more honour, not so easily digested. The feud 
hereupon increased to that degree that Sir Bernard, being a person of a high 
spirit, gave Sir Francis a box on the ear; and that within the verge of the 
court. For which offence he incurred her Majesty’s displeasure; and most 
probably it proved the occasion of the Queen’s bestowing upon Sir Fras. 
Drake a new coat of everlasting honour to himself and posterity for ever; 
which hath relation to that glorious action of his, the circumnavigating the 
world, which is thus emblazoned by Guillim: 

“ Diamond, a fess wavy, between the two pole-stars, arctic and antarctic, 
pearl; as before. 

“ And what is more, his crest is a ship on a globe under ruff, held by a 
cable rope with a hand out of the clouds; in the rigging whereof is hung up 
by the heels a wivern gules, Sir Bernard’s arms; but in no great honour, we 
may think, to that knight, though so designed to Sir Francis. Unto ail 
which Sir Bernard boldly replied: ‘ That though her Majesty could give him 
a nobler, yet she could not give an antienter coat than his.’ 

“ This relation, I had from Sir John Drake, of Trill, knight and baronet, 
my honourable godfather.” 

This story is as absurd as it is improbable. Sir Francis Drake 
was not the man to be struck with impunity, nor was Elizabeth 
the woman to have rewarded him had he done so. Drake’s arms 
were given to him immediately after his knighthood in 1581 : 
over the globe was the motto Auxilio divino , and underneath the 
words Sic parvis magna . The fact probably was, that Sir E rancis 




80 


DRAKE IN ENGLAND. 


[chap. V. 


Drake, being 1 ignorant of the family arms, asked his relation Sir 
Bernard for such information as the Heralds’ College required. 

Some time after Drake’s return from his circumnavigation 
voyage, he received the following letter from Davis, the cele¬ 
brated Arctic voyager: — 

“ Right honourable, most dutifully craving pardon for this my rash bold¬ 
ness, I am hereby, according to my duty, to signify unto your honor that 
the north-west passage is a matter nothing doubtful; but at any time almost 
to be passed by a sea navigable, void of ice; the ice tolerable, the waters 
very deep. I have also found an isle of very great quantity, not in any 
globe or maps discovered, yielding a sufficient trade of furs and leather. 
Although this passage hath been supposed very improbable, yet, through 
God’s mercy, 1 am in experience an eye witness to the contrary; yea, in the 
most desperate climates, which, by God’s help, I will very shortly more at 
large reveal unto your honor, so soon as I can possibly take order for my 
mariners and shipping. Thus depending upou your honor’s good favour, I 
most humbly commit you to God. This 3rd October. 

“ Your honor’s for ever 
“ Most dutiful, 

(Signed) “ John Davis.” 

Strype, in introducing this letter, says— 

“ I have one note more to make of one Davys, a mariner, sometime be¬ 
longing to Sir Francis Drake, who being employed to find out a north-west 
passage into those seas W that part of the world, came back this year (in 
1585), and upon his return, in a letter, acquainted the said Drake with some 
account of those seas, and how navigable they were. The letter shewing the 
first discovery of that passage, and wrote to so eminent a seaman, may de¬ 
serve to be preserved, and is, as I take it from the original, to this tenor.” 

From this statement it is probable that Davis had served 
under Drake, and perhaps on the circumnavigation voyage, 
when the latter contemplated a passage from the Pacific to the 
Atlantic ; which was at the time, and has been since, so vigorously 
attempted in a contrary direction by Frobisher, Davis, Baffin, 
Gilbert, and many others—“ men,” as old Purchas describes 
them, “ of heroike courage, marine worthies, beyond all names 
of worthinesse.” The Straits which Davis discovered still bear 
his name. 

Drake was always kind to his followers, and ever ready to 
assist them. The following letter, among many others, affords 
proof of this :— 




CUAP. V. j 


DRAKE IN ENGLAND. 


SJ 


“ Good Mr. Doctor Caesar, 

“ This bearer, Roger Roffe, is like to have some cawse in question before 
you: it is supposed that he hath wronge, therefore I presume the rather to 
iutreat your favour towards him, prayinge that for my sake you will shew yt 
in his behalf, being willinge, in that he will becom one of my companie to 
steed him in any honest cawse. And so with my right hertie commendations 
do bid you farewell. 

“ From your father’s howse in Chepside, this 24 June, 1585. 

“ Your assured friend, 

“ Fra : Drake.* 

“ To the Worshipful my very 

“ lovinge friend, Mr. Doctor Caesar, 

“ Judge of the Admiraultie. 

“ With speede.” 

Sir Francis remained on shore for the next four or five years, 
but not without active employment. In 1582 he was mayor of 
Plymouth; but the records of that place contain no entries of 
any transactions during his mayoralty beyond the ordinary 
routine of business, unless his “ having caused the compass to be 
put upon the Hoe,” and having put in execution the order for 
wearing scarlet gowns, be considered such. 

* Lansdowne MSS., British Museum. 


G 




82 


DRAKE’S VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES. Jchap. vi. 


fOSTOFflCL Ui 7 ~l 7 l 


HOV 

UI»HAHV 


CHAPTER VI. 



drake’s voyage to the west indies 


1585 — 1586 . 


Drake receives command of a Squadron—Sir Philip Sydney—The squadron 
and troops employed—Land on the island of St. Jago—Attack on St. Do¬ 
mingo— And on Cartagena—Sickness in the fleet—The intention of tak¬ 
ing Nombre de Dios and entering the Isthmus abandoned—Destroy 
St. Augustine—Return homewards—Call at Virginia—Bring away the 
Governor and Colonists, who abandon the Colony—Introduction of To¬ 
bacco. 

The complete success of the circumnavigation voyage gave an 
additional spur to the military spirit of England,—eager to 
humble the arrogant pretensions of Spain, and punish the authors 
of the cruelties inflicted on our countrymen in her Indian pos¬ 
sessions. Her Majesty, who had been greatly pleased with the 
result of that voyage, now^as a proof of her good opinion, ad¬ 
vanced Sir Francis Drake ib the rank of Admiral; and signified 
her pleasure that he should take the command of a fleet, which 
she destined for the West Indies. She had strong motives for 
adopting this measure: she was well aware that the treaty she 
had just concluded with the United Netherlands would be con¬ 
sidered by the King of Spain as little short of a declaration of 
war, and that she ought to be prepared accordingly. He had, in 
fact, already laid an embargo upon all the English ships, goods, 
and men found within his territories, which was in itself a 
hostile measure, and the first step towards a declaration of war. 
The Queen was moreover fully aware what little chance there 
was of restitution, or of obtaining any satisfaction for her sub¬ 
jects whose property had been seized, unless she adopted hostile 
measures; and therefore she wisely resolved to attack the King 
of Spain in the West Indies, from whence his chief supplies 
were derived. 






chap, vi.] DRAKE’S VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES. 


83 


“ The Queen arid kingdom,” says Strype, “ had the greatest apprehensions 
from abroad of the King of Spain: with whom she could obtain no good 
understanding: and of whom especially it concerned her to beware, consi¬ 
dering his power, which at that time was formidable; and thus set forth by 
our historian (Camden:) ‘ All the Princes of Italy were at his beck: the 
bishop of Rome was wholly addicted and engaged to him; the Cardinals 
were, as it were, his vassals; all the ablest persons, for matters both of war 
and peace, were his pensioners. In Germany, the house of Austria, a house 
extending and branching far and wide, and other houses allied unto the 
same by marriages, did, as it were, attend upon him and his service. Ilis 
wealth also and his strength were so much increased, both by sea and land, 
since the late addition of Portugal and East India, that he was far more 
powerful and formidable than ever his father Charles V. was. And if he 
should once reduce the Netherlands under his power, there was nothing to 
hinder, but that the rest of the princes of Christendom must of necessity 
stoop to his greatness, unless it were prevented.’ 

“ This powerful prince then the Queen had to deal with. It was judged 
therefore the best course to favour the Netherlanders, with whom he was 
now at war, and towards whom he had exercised great barbarities. It was 
now under deliberation concerning the doing of this weighty matter The 
lord-treasurer had consulted with Hawkins, a brave seaman and treasurer of 
the Navy, upon this affair; and what means might be used in this under¬ 
taking, requiring to know his thoughts thereof. He soon after showed that 
statesman, in writing, the means to offend that king, and the reasons to main¬ 
tain that faction.” 

The King of Spain’s hostility to England was avowed, and he 
had, as it were, thrown down the gauntlet. The Queen there¬ 
fore saw plainly that nothing was left to meet this insolence but 
to authorize all such of her subjects as had suffered from the 
measures taken by Spain, and all others who might feel disposed 
to resent the hostile proceedings of that nation, to be furnished 
with letters of marque and reprisal, with power to seize all 
ships and merchandise, wherever found, belonging to the subjects 
of the King of Spain. At the same time she ordered a powerful 
fleet of her own ships to be equipped. The whole of this arma¬ 
ment was to be employed under the command of Sir Francis 
Drake, whom, from his experience and success in naval matters, 
she considered as the fittest officer in her dominions to strike a 
blow against Spain. 

On this occasion a volunteer presented himself, whose offer 
Drake could neither well reject nor prudently accept. This was 
no less a person than the gallant and most accomplished Sir 
• Philip Sydney, the friend and favourite of Queen Elizabeth, of 

g 2 



64 


DRAKE’S VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES, [chap. vi. 


whom one about the Court said, when lie was about to leave her 
on another occasion, “ that she was afraid to lose the iewel of 
her times.” In a life of this celebrated man, written by his 
friend Sir Fulke Grevil (Lord Brooke), it is stated that this 
expedition was of Sir Philip’s own projecting— 

“ Wherein he fashioned the whole body with purpose to become the head of 
it himself.—I mean the last employment but one, of Sir Francis Drake to 
the West Indies, which journey, as the scope of it was mixt both of sea and 
land service, so had it accordingly distinct officers and commanders, chosen 
by Sir Philip out of the ablest governors of those martial times.” 

He then tells us that it was arranged between themselves, that 
he and Sir Francis should be equal commanders when they had 
left England ; that the preparations should be made in the name 
if Sir Francis, and that everything should be abundantly supplied 
by the credit of Sir Philip. All this, however, was to be kept 
secret, as Sir Philip well knew it would be next to impossible 
to obtain the Queen’s consent to his taking an employment so 
remote and of so hazardous a nature; but when once it was 
ready, he presumed “ the success would put envy and all her 
agents to silence.” And Sir Francis, on his part, “ found that Sir 
Philip’s friends, with the influence of his excellent inward powers, 
would add both weight and fashion to his ambition ; and conse- 
quently, either with or without Sir Philip’s company, yield un¬ 
expected ease and honour to him on this voyage.” 

The preparations went on: everything that Drake required 
was at once procured. He repaired to Plymouth, and waited 
only the arrival of Sir Philip to put to sea. At length the 
gallant knight arrived at Plymouth, and was feasted the first 
night by Sir Francis, with a great deal of pomp and compliment. 

“Yet, I.” says Lord Brooke, “being his [Sydney’s] loving and beloved 
Achates in this journey, observing the countenance of this gallant mariner, 
more than Sir Philip’s leisure served him to do, acquainted him with my 
observation of the discountenance and depression which appeared in Sir 
Francis; as if our coming were both beyond his expectation and desire.'’ 

Lord Brooke’s conjecture might probably have been correct. 
Drake might not much relish such high company, and might in 
fact be playing a game assigned to him. 

“For,” says Lord Brooke, “within a few days after, a post steals up to 
the court, upon whose arrival an alarm is presently taken: messengers sen* 



chap, vi.] DRAKE’S VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES. 


85 


away to stay us, and, if we refused, to stay the whole fleet. The Queen in 
her affection, conveyed her royal mandate by a peer of the realm, carry¬ 
ing with it in the one hand, grace, and in the other, thunder.” 

How Drake contrived to settle this ticklish affair does not 
appear. It is not improbable that he was all the while in com¬ 
munication with Sir Francis Walsingham, or some other person 
at Court; and that he was desired to indulge the scheme of the 
romantic knight until the expedition should be ready to depart. 
Everything in fact had been already settled as to the officers and 
men, and the preparations were completed. The fleet consisted 
of twenty-one sail of ships (some say twenty-five sail) and pin¬ 
naces, and had on board two thousand seamen and soldiers. 


The principal officers were— 


Sir Francis Drake, 

Admiral or General. 

Thos. Fenner, his Captain. 
Martin Frobisher, 
Vice-Admiral. 

Francis Knollis, 

Rear-Admiral. 

To whom were added— 


Elizabeth 


Bonaventura. 


Primrose. 

Gallion, Leicester. 


Lieutenant-General Carleill, Tyger. 

(This officer had the command of the troops, with one major, three cor¬ 
porals of the field, and ten captains under him.) 

The other ships were probably taken up as transports. Al¬ 
though Drake was the chief, or General, of the expedition, yet 
the military part of the operations, of course, devolved upon 
Lieutenant-General Carleill; and in point of fact the whole 
account of their proceedings, as given in Hakluyt, is taken from 
the narrative drawn up partly by Captain Walter Biggs, who 
died on the voyage, and completed by Lieutenant Cripps, who 
gave it to Lieutenant Cates, to be prepared by him for pub¬ 
lication—all three being officers of the army serving in the 
Lieutenant-General’s company. 

On the 14th of September, 1585, the expedition left Plymouth ; 
and near the coast of Spain fell in with several French ships 
of small burthen, mostly laden with salt; one of which, having 
no person in her, the General took for the use of the fleet. To 
this bark he gave the name of Drake, and on his return paid her 



86 


DRAKE’S VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES, [chap 


V' 


value to the owners. A few days after this they fell in with a 
stout Spanish ship, having on board a great quantity of dry New • 
foundland fish, which the sailors called “ Poor John” that was 
of great use during the voyage. 

Coming before Bayonne, a message was sent to the Governor 
to ask if there was war between Spain and England, and why 
our merchants were embargoed and arrested ? Being satisfied 
on these points, and receiving from the Governor a present of 
bread, wine, oil, apples, grapes, and marmalade, they took their 
leave, but had scarcely returned to their ships before a storm 
arose which scattered the fleet. 

Being again collected, they sent their pinnaces to see what 
might be done above the harbour of Vigo ; where they succeeded 
in taking several boats and caravels laden with things of small 
value. One, however, had on board it “ stuff of the high church 
or cathedral of Vigo, among which was a cross of silver doubly 
gilt, having cost a great mass of money.” 

The Spaniards declared that the property taken here amounted 
in value to thirty thousand ducats. 

At Palma, in the Canary Islands, u by the naughtinesse of 
the landing place, well furnished with great ordnance, we thought 
fitTo depart with the receipt of many of their cannon shot, some 
into our ships, and some of them besides being in very deed full 
cannon high.” * But their calling first at Bayonne was im¬ 
prudent, as it had enabled the Governor of that place to send a 
dispatch to their several possessions, to warn them of the ap¬ 
proach of the English force, the strength of wnich he greatly 
exaggerated. 

At Ferro they found the inhabitants so poor that they 
spared them; and proceeding to the Cape de Verde Islands, 
anchored near Porta Pray a (which is called Playa by Cates), 
where they put on shore a thousand men. Here they dallied for 
fourteen days, between the towns of St. Jago and Porta Praya, 
two wretched Portuguese villages. The Governor, the Bishop, 
and the better sort, all ran away into the mountains; and the 
only booty obtained was two pieces of ordnance, one of iron and 
one of brass. The inhabitants met with one of the English boys 
straggling, whom they killed, and mangled in a brutal manner ; 

* Cates. 



chap, vi.] DRAKE’S VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES. 


87 


in revenge of which the expedition consumed with fire all the 
houses, as well in the country as in the town of St. Jago, the 
hospital excepted, which was left uninjured. 

The Portuguese had their revenge: for before the fleet was 
many days at sea a fatal sickness broke out among the people, 
occasioned doubtless by the long stay at that most unhealthv 
place St. Jago, and between two and three hundred men died. 
They are described as having been marked with small spots like 
those which appear in the plague. They next proceeded to 
Dominica, which they reached in eighteen days. The island was 
at this time inhabited by a savage people (the Caribs), who were 
naked, having their skins painted: they were well made, hand¬ 
some and strong, very civil, and ready to assist in watering the 
ships. That being done, the fleet made sail for St. Christopher’s, 
where they refreshed the men with what they could find, and 
spent their Christmas; but saw no inhabitants, and had reason to 
believe there were none on the island. 

A council being held, it was decided they should next proceed 
to the great island of Hispaniola, being allured thither by 
the fame of the city of St. Domingo, the most ancient and 
chief place in all that region. On arriving there, they were in¬ 
formed that the Spaniards were in great force in that quarter, 
particularly at St. Domingo. On new year’s day, by the advice 
of a pilot whom they had captured in a frigate, they landed twelve 
hundred men at a convenient spot, about ten or twelve miles 
from the city. The General, after seeing all the men safely 
landed, returned to the fleet, “ bequeathing them to God and 
the good conduct of Maister Carleill.” 

On approaching the town, about a hundred and fifty horsemen 
came out to oppose them; but were received by the invaders so 
gallantly, with pikes and small shot, that they retreated hastily 
within the two seaward gates, both of which were manned and 
planted with ordnance, and other troops were placed in ambus¬ 
cade by the road side. Carleill divided his force into two parties, 
giving Captain Powell the command of one division. It was 
settled that they were to enter at both gates at the same time, 
the General swearing to Powell u that with God’s good favour 
they would not rest till they met in the market-place.” Powell 
with his company pushed through one of the gates, and the 





88 


DRAKE’S VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES, [chap. vi. 


General through the other; and after some fighting they both 
gained the market-place, or square, in which was the great 
church. Here they quartered themselves; and by making 
trenches and planting ordnance, held the town for the space of 
a month without loss. One day, however, the General had 
occasion to send a message to the Spaniards by a negro boy 
carrying a flag of truce : an officer of the King of Spain’s galley 
meeting the boy, struck him through the body with a staff, and 
the poor fellow, having crawled back to the General, and told 
him what had happened, died on the spot. 

“ The General,” says Cates, “ being greatly passioned, commanded the 
provost martial to cause a couple of Fryars, who were among his prisoners, 
to be carried to the same place where the boy was stricken, accompanied 
with a sufficient guard of our soldiers, and there presently to be both hanged, 
despatching at the instant another poor Spanish prisoner, with the reason 
•wherefore this execution was done; and with this message further, that until 
the party, who had thus murthered the General’s messenger, were delivered 
into our hands, to receive condign punishment, thei’e should no day passe, 
wherein there should not two prisoners be hanged, until they were all con¬ 
sumed, which were in our hands.” 

The murderer of the boy was delivered up the next day, and 
the General compelled the Spaniards to execute him with their 
own hands. 

The English demanded a ransom for the city; and as the in¬ 
habitants were very slow in coming to terms, every morning, for 
several successive days, the suburbs were set on fire. 

“ But the invaders,” says Cates, “ found it no small travail to ruin them, 
being very magnificently built of stone, with high lofts. Two hundred sailors 
from daybreak till nine o’clock, when the next began, did nothing but labour 
to fire these houses ; yet we did not consume so much as one-third part of 
the town; and so in the end, what wearied with firing, and what hastened 
by some other respects, we were glad to tike, and they at length agreed to 
pay, a ransom of five and twenty thousand ducats. In the gallery of their 
King’s house, there was painted, on a very large escutcheon, the arms of the 
King of Spain, and in the lower part of the ’scutcheon a terrestrial globe, con¬ 
taining upon it the whole circuit of the sea, and the earth, whereon is a horse 
standing on his hind legs as in the act of leaping from it, with a scroll pro¬ 
ceeding from his mouth, whereon was written, e Non sufficit Orbis.’ We 
looked upon this as a very notable mark and token of the unsalable am¬ 
bition of the Spanish king and nation, and did not refrain from pointing it 
out to the Spaniards, who were sent to negociate with us; nor from sarcas¬ 
tically enquiring what was meant by such a device ? at which they would 



chap, vi.] DRAKE’S VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES. 


89 


shake their heads and turn aside their faces, in some smiling sort, without 
answering any thing, as if ashamed thereof.” 

Having amply supplied themselves with strong wine, sweet 
oil, vinegar, olives, and other provisions, together with woollen, 
linen, and silk cloths (of plate or silver they found but little), 
they put to sea, and stood over to the mainland, keeping along 
the northern coast till they came in sight of Cartagena ; and 
entered the harbour about three miles westward of the town. To 
enter the town it was necessary for the troops to pass along a 
narrow isthmus not above fifty paces wide, having the sea on one 
side and the harbour on the other; and at the extremity was a 
stone wall built across it, with an opening just wide enough for 
the horsemen or a carriage to pass. This was barricadoed with 
wine-butts filled with earth, and placed on end. Against this 
part the assault was made. 

“ We soon,” says Cates, “ found out the barricadoes of pipes or butts to be 
the meetest place for our assault, which, notwithstanding it was well fur¬ 
nished with pikes and shot, was, without staying, attempted by us: down 
went the butts of earth, and pell-mell came our swords and pikes together 
after our shot had first given their volley, even at the enemy’s nose. Our 
pikes were somewhat longer than their’s, and our bodies better armed, with 
which advantage our swords and pikes grew too hard for them, and they 
were driven to give place. In this furious entree, the Lieutenant-General 
slue with his owne hands the chief ensigne-bearer of the Spaniards, who 
fought very manfully to his live’s end.” 

They rushed together into the town, and gave the enemy no 
time to breathe until they got to the market-place, when they 
were suffered to remain quietly, and lodge in the town—the in¬ 
habitants going into the country to their wives. During the 
fight the Indians made use of poisoned arrows, the least scratch 
of the skin with which caused death. 

They kept possession of Cartagena for six weeks, and pur¬ 
sued the same course to obtain a ransom as they had done at St. 
Domingo; 

“ and though,” continues Cates, “ upon discontentments and for want of 
agreeing in the first negociations for a ransom, they touched the town in its 
outposts, and consumed much with fire, yet the other miseries of war were 
suspended; and there passed divers courtesies between us and the Spaniards, 
as feasting and using them with all kindness and favour. The Governor, 
the Bishop, and many other gentlemen of the better sort, visiting the General 
and Lieutenant General.” 




ao 


DRAKE’S VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES, [chap. vr. 


The only loss the English sustained from the enemy, during 
their stay here was that of Captain Varney and Captain Moon, 
and five or six other persons, who were killed by the discharge 
of some muskets from the bushes, when standing on the deck of 
a vessel they had boarded. 

But the disease which they had brought with them from the 
Cape de Verde Islands never left them : they suffered much from 
sickness, which carried off a great number of men, and of those 
who survived very few ever recovered their strength ; they lost 
their memory, and became imbecile in mind. The name given 
to the disorder was the calenture, which is “ a verie burning and 
pestilent ague.” The continuance of this disease, which was 
doubtless what is now called the yellow fever, and the great 
mortality resulting from it, obliged them to give up their in¬ 
tended enterprise against Nombre de Dios, and from thence 
overland to Panama, where the blow was to have been struck for 
the treasure. Their first resolution to return homewards was taken 
at Cartagena; but after “ a little firing of the town,” in conse¬ 
quence of some disagreement touching the ransom, it was con¬ 
cluded that one hundred and ten thousand ducats should be paid. 

At a consultation respecting this ransom it was stated that 
they might at first have demanded a great deal more; but now 
the above-mentioned sum was deemed sufficient— 

“ Inasmuch,” says Cates, “ as we have taken our full pleasure, both in the utter¬ 
most sacking and spoiling of all their household goods and merchandise, as also 
in that we have consumed and ruined a great part of their town with fire. And 
whereas we had in the expedition a great number of poor men who had ventured 
their lives, suffered much from sickness, wasted their clothing, and what 
little provision their slender means had enabled them to lay in, with the best 
intention of punishing the Spaniard, our greatest and most dangerous enemy, 
we cannot but have an inward regard to help toward their satisfaction of 
this their expectation; and, by procuring them some little benefivTo en 
courage them, and to nourish this ready and willing disposition both in them 
and in others, by their example, against any other time of like occasion.” 

The officers did still more for their men. In the official docu¬ 
ment drawn up on the occasion they state— 

“ But because it may be supposed that therein we forgot not the private 
benefit of ourselves, and are thereby the rather moved to incline ourselves to 
this composition, we declare hereby, that what part or portion soever it be of 
this ransom for Cartagena, which should come unto us, we do freely give 
and bestow the same wholly upon the poor men who have remained with us 




chap, vi.] DRAKE’S VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES. 


91 


in the voyage, meaning as well the sailor as the soldier, and wishing with all 
our hearts it were such or so much, as might seem a sufficient reward for 
their peaceful endeavour.” 

On the 1st of March the expedition left Cartagena, and on the 
27th of April reached Cape St. Antonio, the westernmost part of 
Cuba. Finding no fresh water there, they made for Matanzas ; 
but the weather being boisterous, were driven back to Cape St. 
Antonio, where their water was exhausted; and, after much 
search, they found only some pits of rain-water. 

“ Here,” says Cates, “ I do wrong if I should forget the good example of 
the General, who, to encourage others, and to hasten the getting of water 
aboard, took no less pains than the meanest. Throughout the expedition, 
indeed, he had everywhere shown so vigilant a care and foresight in the good 
ordering of his fleet, accompanied with such wonderful travail of body, that 
doubtless, had he been the meanest person, as ne was the chiefest, he had 
deserved the first place of honour. And no less happy do we account him for 
being associated with Master Carleill his lieutenant-general, by whose expe¬ 
rience, prudent counsel and gallant performance, he achieved so many and 
happy enterprises, and by whom also he was very greatly assisted, in setting 
down the needful orders, laws and course of justice, and the due administra¬ 
tion of the same upon all occasions.” 

Fxom hence they continued their course for the coast of 
Florida, keeping the shore in sight. On the 28th of May they 
discovered a scaffold raised upon four high masts, as a look-out 
station towards the sea. Upon this, Drake manned the pinnaces 
and landed, to see what place of strength the enemy held there, 
no one in the armament having any knowledge of it. Having 
gone up the river St. Augustine, they came to the fort of St. Juan 
de Pinos, newly erected by the Spaniards, and not yet completed. 
On their approach the engineers took the alarm, and, abandoning 
the work, made the best of their way to the city of St. Augustine, 
where there was a garrison of 150 men. TV hen the English landed 
the next day to storm this fort, they found nobody there. There 
were fourteen great pieces of brass ordnance placed on a plat¬ 
form, which was constructed of large pine-trees laid across one 
on another, with some little earth between. The garrison, 
which, as they learned from a French fifer, who was a prisoner in 
the fort, consisted of 150 men, had retired in such haste that they 
left behind them the treasure-chest, containing about 2000/. 

In like manner, on the English marching to the city of St. 
Augustine, the Spaniards, after they had fired a few shot at 



92 DRAKE’S VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES, [chap. vi. 

them, all ran away. Anthony Powell, the sergeant-major, leapt 
upon one of the horses they had left behind, and pursued them ; 
but having advanced rashly beyond his company, over ground 
covered with long grass, a Spaniard, laying wait for him, shot 
him through the head ; and before any of the party could come 
to rescue his body, it had been pierced with many wounds. The 
Governor had withdrawn to St. Matheo, and all the inhabitants 
had deserted the city. It was considered as wearing the appear¬ 
ance of being a prosperous settlement, having its council-house, 
church, and other edifices, and gardens all round about. All 
the public buildings were burnt, and the gardens laid waste by 
the invaders, in revenge for the death of Captain Powell. It was 
intended, on leaving this place, to visit another Spanish settle¬ 
ment, about twelve leagues farther on, called St. Helena, and 
attack and destroy it also ; but they found the shoals too dan¬ 
gerous for them to attempt an entrance without a pilot, and 
under unfavourable circumstances of wind and weather. Aban¬ 
doning therefore this design, they continued coasting along, pro¬ 
ceeding in sight of the shore, in search of Sir Walter Raleigh’s 
recently planted colony in Virginia, which, by her Majesty’s 
command, Sir Francis Drake was directed to inspect, and to 
afford it any assistance and encouragement he might be enabled 
to do. Finding the shore, like that of St. Helena, inaccessible 
to their ships, on account of the shoalness of the water, they 
were constrained to anchor, in an exposed situation, two miles 
from the shore; from whence the General sent a message to 
Mr. Ralph Lane, the Governor, who was then at his fort at 
Roanoak, to offer him such supplies as his squadron would afford. 

Mr. Lane, with some of his company, waited on the General, 
and requested him to grant his little colony a reinforcement 
of men and a supply of provisions, and also a small vessel and 
boats, in order that, should they be put to distress for want of 
supplies from home, they might have the means at hand to em¬ 
bark for England. This request was immediately complied with : 
a ship was selected for the use of the colony, and orders were 
given for it to be fitted up and plentifully furnished with all 
manner of stores for a considerable period. While this, however, 
was in preparation, a storm arose which continued three days, and 
drove the ship that had been selected, and some others, from their 



chap. vi.] DRAKE’S VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES. 


93 


anchors to sea. T hese vessels were never seen again till Drake’s 
arrival in England, whither all of them had directed their course, 
instead of facing the storm. 

Sir Francis then proposed to give the settlers another of his 
ships; but the late accident, and the previous hardships which 
Mr* Lane and his fellow-colonists had undergone, had so de¬ 
pressed their spirits, that they concluded Providence was not 
favourable to their design of establishing themselves on the shores 
of America ; and considering, moreover, that the promised sup¬ 
plies from England had failed them, they, after some consulta¬ 
tion, petitioned Sir Francis to take them home with him. The 
number that embarked was 103, five of the 108 who had originally 
landed having died. Mr. Lane is reported to have been the first 
to introduce tobacco into England, that detestable weed having 
been so called from the island on which it was first found — 
Tobago. 

“ These men,” says Camden, “ who were thus brought back were the first 
that I know of that brought into England that Indian plant which they call 
tabacca and nicotia, or tobacco, which they used against crudities, being 
taught it by the Indians. Certainly from that time forward, it began to 
grow into great request, and to be sold at an high rate, w hich, in a short 
time, many men everywhere, some for wantonness, some for health sake, 
v/ith insatiable desire and greediness, sucked in the stinking smoke thereof 
through an earthen pipe, which presently they blew out again at their 
nostrils: insomuch'that tobacco-shops are now as ordinary in most towns, as 
tap-houses and taverns. So that the Englishmen’s bodies (as one said 
wittily) which are so delighted with this plant, seem as ’twere to be degene¬ 
rated into the nature of barbarians, since they are delighted, and think they 
may be cured, with the same things which the barbarians use.” 

Still more energetic were the feelings which King James ex¬ 
pressed respecting this abominable herb when he wrote the 
4 Counterblast to Tobacco ;’ and such, it may be added, are the 
feelings of many people regarding the practice, every day in¬ 
creasing, of blowing out “ stinking smoke ” in public places ; 
until Richmond Hill, and every other rural scene about London, 
have all the effluvium of a cigar-shop ; and the entire Continent 
has become one vast “ smoking divan.” 

Thus ended this expedition, very inferior in profit, and in the 
interest of the transactions, to Drake’s two former enterprises. 
The booty brought home was valued at 60,000/.; and 240 pieces 





91 


DRAKE’S VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES. I"chap.vi. 


of cannon were taken, of which 200 were of brass. The loss of 
men was about 750 ; almost all of them died of calenture. Of 
these, four were captains of the army, two of the navy, four 
lieutenants of the army, and six masters of merchant ships. Of 
the money brought home, 20,000/., as they had resolved in 
council, were divided among the soldiers and sailors, being about 
61. per man. They arrived at Portsmouth on the 28th of July, 
1586. 

Sir William Monson, speaking of this expedition, says— 

“ This fleet was the greatest of any nation but the Spaniai'ds, that had ever 
been seen in those seas since the first discovery of them. And if it had been 
as well considered of, before their going from home, as it was happily per¬ 
formed by the valour of the undertakers, it had more annoyed the King of 
Spain than all other actions that ensued during the time of the war. 

“ But it seems our long peace made us uncapable of advice in war ; for had 
we kept and defended these places, when in our possession, and provided to 
have been relieved and succoured out of England, we had diverted the war 
from this part of Europe ; for at that time there was no comparison betwixt 
the strength of Spain and England by sea, by means whereof we might have 
better defended them, and with more ease encroached upon the rest of the 
Indies, than the king of Spain could have aided or succoured them. 

“ But now we see, and find by experience, that those places which were 
then weak and unfortified, are since so fortified that it is to no purpose to 
us to annoy the king of Spain in his West Indies. And though this voyage 
proved both fortunate and victorious, yet considering it was rather an 
awakening than a weakening of him, it had been far better to have wholly 
declined than to have undertaken it upon such slender grounds, and with 
so inconsiderable forces.” 

To this it might have been replied, ‘ If we could not support 
the little colony of Virginia, unmolested by an enemy of any 
description, how should we have been able to support three or 
four populous districts, every inhabitant of which was in bitter 
hostility against us, and not merely national and political hos¬ 
tility, but religious also—regarding us, from the highest to the 
lowest, with a hatred incapable of conciliation ?’ 

Queen Elizabeth’s policy was of a higher order, we conceive 
than Sir William Monson’s. She said to her Parliament_ 

“ It may be thought simplicity in me, that, all this time of my reign, I 
have not sought to advance my territories, and enlarge my dominions • for 
opportunity hath served me to do it. I acknowledge my womanhood ’ and 
weakness in that respect; but though it hath not been hard to obtain, yet 1 




chap, vi.] DRAKE’S VOYAGE TO THE WEST INDIES. 9f> 

doubted bow to keep the things so obtained: and I must say, my mind was 
never to invade my neighbours, or to usurp over any; I am contented to 
reign over my own, and to rule as a just princess.” 

The real causes of failure appear to have been the unfortunate 
and ill-judged landing of 1000 men at St. Jago, the delay there 
of fourteen days, the fever they caught at that most unhealthy 
and miserable place, and the subsequent delay at Dominica 
and St. Christopher, making it full thirteen weeks before they 
reached St. Domingo, owing to which the Spaniards had ample 
time to prepare for them, and were accordingly on their guard 
at Nombre de Dios, Panama, and other places, where the gold 
and silver of Peru and Mexico are usually deposited. 



96 


EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 


[ CHAP. VII. 


OfRCt 
NOV I3tf 33 

bra 


UtPl 


r CHAPTER VII. 


EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 


1587. 

Designs of Philip—Insolence of the Spanish Ambassador—Drake appointed 
to command an expedition—Letter of Sir F. Drake—Arrives at Cadiz; 
burns, sinks, and carries away about 100 sail of ships—Dispatches Capt. 
Crosse with letters—Leaves Cadiz—Destroys a number of ships in the 
Tagus—Drake stands over to Terceira and captures a large and rich 
carrack—Case of Capt. Burroughs. 

In the course of the year 1587, the intentions of Spain with 
regard to England could no longer be concealed. Philip, while 
affecting an earnest desire to come to an amicable adjustment 
of the differences that had so long existed between the two na¬ 
tions, was secretly preparing to invade England with an over¬ 
whelming force. In the mean time Catholic priests were em¬ 
ployed as spies, both in Great Britain and on the Continent, to 
learn the feelings of the Queen and her ministers on the ques¬ 
tion of war ; and also to ascertain the extent and efficiency of the 
warlike preparations in England. They had besides what they 
termed seminary priests in England,^ whose business it wa,s to 
seduce the people from their allegiance to the Queen and the 
established religion, and to entice them into the body of the 
Catholic church. The Queen, on her part, was well informed of all 
the designs of Spain, and vigorous measures were taken to coun¬ 
teract them. The intention to invade England is said to have 
been first discovered in consequence of a letter written by Philip 
to the Pope, asking the blessing of his Holiness on the intended 
project; a copy of which letter Mr. Secretary Walsingham pro¬ 
cured from a Venetian priest, whom he retained at Rome as a 
spy. The original letter was stolen from the Pope’s cabinet by 
a gentleman of his bed-chamber, who took the keys out of the 



CHAP. VII.] 


EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 


97 


pocket of his Holiness while he slept, and furnished the priest 
with a copy. 

One favourite object of Philip was to get possession of the 
person of Queen Elizabeth, and to deliver her into the hands of 
the Pope; in the hope, no doubt, that he would consign her to 
the Inquisition. This he conceived would give a death-blow 
to heresy in England ; and as Elizabeth was the chief safeguard 
of the Protestants, he hoped, by subduing that princess, to 
acquire the eternal renown of re-uniting the whole Christian 
world in the Roman communion. It is said that the King of 
Spain gave special charge to the commander of the Expedition 
and to all the captains that in no wise they should harm the 
person of the Queen; but, upon taking her, show all reverence 
towards her, looking well, however, to her safe custody ; and 
further, that order should be taken as speedily as possible for the 
jonveyance of her person to Rome, that his Holiness the Pope 
might dispose of her as it should please him. 

An English papist priest, of the name of Allen, traitorously 
circulated the Pope’s bull excommunicating the Queen, de¬ 
throning her, and absolving her subjects from allegiance, and 
granting plenary indulgence for her murder. He even went to 
the Duke of Parma, and preached to him the meritorious doctrine 
of putting to death heretical sovereigns ; but the Duke gave him 
no encouragement, and openly declared his respect for Elizabeth. 

It appears that Philip was fully persuaded by his priests and v 
courtiers of the certain success of the invasion of Great Britain. 
He was led to believe that England, by a long peace, had lost 
all military discipline and experience both in the army and navy ; 
that the papist population, which was numerous, would be ready 
to a man to join his forces on their landing; and that one battle 
by sea, and one on land, would decide her fate. In the mean 
time, however, the ambassador of Spain affected to express a 
strong desire on the part of his sovereign to maintain a state of 
peace. But when he discovered that their plans were detected, 
and that England was also preparing her forces, he assumed a 
more haughty tone, and put forward such demands, in the name 
of Philip, as he well knew never would be complied with. He 
required that the Queen should withdraw her protection from 
the Netherlands, replace the ships and treasure seized unlaw- 

ii 





98 


EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 


[chap. VII. 


fully by Drake, restore the abbeys and monasteries destroyed 
by Henry VIII., and acknowledge the supremacy of the Pope. 

Acquiescence in these demands was of course never for an 
instant thought of by the lion-hearted Queen or her brave sub¬ 
jects : one spirit animated the whole nation : but the emergency 
was great, and strenuous measures were to be adopted. The 
first steps to be taken were to ascertain, by the personal inspec¬ 
tion of some able officer, the actual state of the enemy’s prepara¬ 
tions in the ports of Spain and Portugal; to intercept any 
supplies of men, stores, or ammunition, that the Duke of Parma 
might dispatch from the Low Countries; also to lay waste the 
enemy’s harbours on the western coast; and not only destroy all 
the shipping that could be met with at sea conveying stores and 
provisions, but even to attack them in port. For services such 
as these no one was considered so fit as Drake. He was sent 
for; and, always ready to undertake any duty which the Queen 
might command, he did not hesitate a moment to accept the 
appointment, and immediately busied himself in the preparation 
of a fleet suitable to the occasion. The Queen told him he should 
have four of her best ships, and she doubted not her good city of 
London would cheerfully furnish the rest. The Queen’s ships 
were—the Elizabeth Bonaventure, Commander Sir Francis 
Drake; Golden Lyon, Capt. Wm. Burroughs; Rainbow, Capt. 
Bellingham ; Dreadnought, Capt. Thos. Fenner. These ships, 
together with twenty others, supplied chiefly by the Londoners 
—some accounts say twenty-four—were ordered by Drake to 
assemble at Plymouth, to which port he repaired to hasten their 
equipment. The chief adventurers in this voyage were, as the 
Queen had anticipated, her good citizens of London, who how¬ 
ever are said to have sought their own private gain more than 
the advancement of the service ; nor were they deceived in their 
expectation. Lord Charles Howard, Earl of Effingham, who 
had been appointed Lord High Admiral of England in 1585, put 
himself in communication with Drake, whose movements are 
detailed in the following letter:— 

Sir Francis Drake to Sir Francis Walsingiiam. 

Kighte Honorable, April 2 d, 1587. 

This last nyght past came unto us the Ryall Marchant, with 4 of the 
rest of the London flett, the wynd would permett them no sooner. We have 



CHAP. VII.] 


EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 


99 


since ther comyng agreed uppon all condycyons between us and them, and 
have found them so well affected, and so willing in all our good proceedings, 
as we all persuad ourselves there was never more lykely in any flett, or a 
more loving agreement, then we hope the one of the other. I thanck God I 
fynd no man but as all members of one body, to stand for our gracyous 
Queue and country agaynst anty-Christ and his members. 

I thanck God these gentellmen of great place, as Captayne Burrowghes,* 
Captayne Vennard, and Captayne Bellengharn, which are partakers with 
mee in this servis, I fynd very dyscrett, honest, and most suffycyent. 

Yf your honor did now see the flett under sayell, and knew with what 
resollucyon men’s myndes dow enter into this accyon, as your Honor would 
rejoyce to see them, so you would judge a small fforce would not devyde 
them. 

• I assure your honor uppon my credytt ther are manye suffycyent men in 
this accyon, yeat ther hath dyvers start from us within this tow dayes past, 
and we all thinck by some practys of some adversaries to the accyon, by 
letters written ; they are most maryners, we have soldyers in ther place. 

I have written to the Justysses for the sending of som of those that are 
ronne awaye in our countries, to send them to the gayell, and ther to be 
punyshed by the dyscresyon of the judges which are now in the Serqwett 
here with us. 

I have written more largely to my Lord Admerall in this matter, for yf 
ther should be no punyshment in so greate a matter, in this so dangerous a 
tyme, it may dow rnych hurt to her Majestie’s servis. 

I assure your Honor here hath byne no tyme lost, nether with the grace 
of God shall be in any other place. I have uppon my owne credytt supplied 
such vittuall as we have spent, and augmented as moch as I could gett, for 
that we are very unwylling to retorne arrantlesse. 

Lett me beseeche your honor to hold a good opynyon, not of myself only, 
but of all the reste servytors in this accyon, as we stand nothing doubtfull of 
your honor, but yf ther be any yll affected, as ther hath not wanted in other 
accyons, and it is lykely this will not go free, that by your honorable good 
meanes, whether it be to her Majestie or unto your Honor, that the partyes 
may be kuowen. Yf we deserve yll, left us be punyshed; yf we dyscharge 
our dutyes in doing our best yt is a hard measure to be reported yll by those 
which will ether keep their fynger out of the fyer, or too well allect to the 
alteratyon of our Goverment, which I hope in God they shall never live 
to see. 

The wynd commaunds me away, our shipe is under sayell, God graunt we 
may so live in his feare, as the enemey may have cawse to say that God 
doth fight for her Majestie as well abrod as at home, and geve her long and 
liappye lyfe, and ever victory agaynst God’s enemyes and her Majestie’s. 

God geve your honor parfect helth in bodye, and all yours, and let me 


* He had great cause to alter his opinion of this officer, as will presently 
be shown. 






100 


EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 


[CHAF. VI T. 


beseeche your honor to pray unto God for us that he will direct us the right 
way, then shall we not doubt our enemyes, for they are the sonnes of men. 
Haste, from abourd her Majesty’s good shipe the Ellyzabethe Bonaventure, 
this 2th. Aprell, 1587. 

By hym that will allwayes be commanded by you, and never leave to pray 
to God for you and all yours, 

Fra : Drake.* 

To the Right Honourable 

Sir ffrancis Walsingham, Knight, 

Principall Secretary to Her Majestie and of Her Majestie’s 
Moste Honorable Pryvie Counsell at the Cotirte. 

With speede. ^ j/ ^ ^ 

Drake accordingly left Plymouth on the/ day his letter was 
written, and on the 16th of the same month, in the latitude of 
40°, fell in with two ships of Middleburgh, which had come 
from Cadiz, and by them was informed that there was a great 
quantity of military stores at Cadiz, which they were busily 
employed in embarking, and which were to be conveyed to 
Lisbon as soon as possible. Upon this information, the General, 
with all possible speed, directed his course to Cadiz with the 
view of destroying these supplies and shipping before they could 
get out of the port. On the 19th of April he entered the har¬ 
bour ; and when opposite the town was assailed by five galleys, 
which, after a short conflict, he compelled to retire under the 
guns of the Castle. 

There were lying in the road sixty ships and many smaller 
vessels, under the protection of the fortress; there were also 
about twenty French ships and some small Spanish vessels; but 
the latter, being able to pass the shoals, made the best of their 
way into Porto Real. Drake’s squadron, on coming in, sunk with 
their shot a large ship of Ragusa, of about 1000 tons, furnished 
with forty pieces of brass cannon, and very richly laden^N Two 
other galleys came out from St. Maryport, and two from Porto 
Real; they fired some guns at the General’s ships; but with 
little effect, and were compelled to retreat, well beaten for their 
pains. 

Before night Drake had taken, burnt, and destroyed about a 
hundred sail of ships, and become complete master of the road ; 
the large galleys so vaunted by the Spaniards being unable to 

* MS. State Paper Office. 




CHAP. VII.] 


EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 


101 


withstand him. There remained at Porto Real, and in sio-ht of 

7 O 

the squadron, about forty ships, besides those that fled from 
Cadiz. 

The squadron were much harassed during- the time they re¬ 
mained before Cadiz, by the continual firing kept up by the 
galleys, which were under the protection of the fortress, and 
from the guns which were planted on every point of the shore. 
The English were much annoyed also by the number of the Spanish 
ships, which, when they could no longer defend themselves, the 
enemy set on fire, and sent adrift into the squadron. On the 
turn of the tide, it required great exertion to keep clear of these. 

“ This, nevertheless,” says one of the narrators, “ was a pleasant sight for 
us to behold, because we were thereby eased of a great labour, which lay upon 
us day and night, in discharging the victuals and other provisions of the 
enemye. Thus by the assistance of the Almightye, and the invincible courage 
and industry of our General, this strange and happy enterprize was achieved 
in one day and two nights, to the great astonishment of the King of Spain’s 
officers, and bred such a chagrin in the heart of the Marquis of Santa Cruz, 
the High Admiral of Spain, that he never enjoyed a good day after, but 
within five months died (as may justly be supposed) of extreme griefe and 
sorrow. 

“ Thus having performed this notable piece of service, the General with 
his squadron came out of the road of Cadiz, on Friday morning the 21st of 
the said month of April, with very small loss on his side, so small as not 
worth the mentioning. 

“ After his departure, ten of the great galleys that were in the road came 
out, as it were in pretence of making some exercise with their ordnance, at 
which time the wind grew scant; whereupon the English cast about again 
and stood in with the shore, and came to an anchor within a league of the 
town; where the said galleys, for all their former bragging, at length suffered 
the squadron to ride quietly.” 

The English had already had some little experience of these 
galleys, the favourite ships of the Spaniards, who were accus¬ 
tomed to place their chief reliance upon them ; but Drake assures 
us that the four ships only of her Majesty which he then com¬ 
manded, would have made “ very little account of the galleys,” 
if they had been alone and not busied in taking care of the others 
that were attached to them. On this occasion the galleys, although 
they had every advantage on their side, were soon forced by the 
English to retire. 




102 


EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 


[chap. vii. 


The General dispatched Captain Crosse to England with letters, 
giving him also in charge to declare personally unto her Majesty 
all the particulars of this enterprise. 

One of the letters was addressed to Sir Francis Walsingham. 
It is here copied from the original in the State Paper Office:— 

Sm F. Drake to Sir F. Walsingham. 

Right Honorable, 27th April, 1587. 

Theise are to geive to understande that on the seconde of this moneth 
we departede out of the Sound of Plymouth. We had sighte of the Cape 
Venester the 5th. We were encountrede with a violente storme, duringe 
the space of five daies, by which meanes our fleete was putt a sonder and a 
greate leake sprange uppon the Dreadnouglite: the 16th we mette all together 
at the Rocke, & the 19th we arrivede into the roade of Cales (Cadiz) in 
Spaigne, where we founde sondrie greate shippes, some laden, some halfe 
laden, and some readie to be laden with the King’s provisions for Englande. 
We staied there untill the 21st, in which meane tyme we sanke a Biskanie 
of 12 C (1200) tonnes, burnte a shippe of the Marques of Santa Cruse of 15 
C (1500) tonnes and 31 shippes more, of 1000: 800: 600: 400, to 200 tonnes 
the peice, and carried awaie fower with us laden with provision, and departede 
thence at our pleasure with as moch honor as we coulcle wishe, notwithstand- 
inge that duringe the tyme of our aboade there we were bothe oftentymes 
foughte withall by 12 of the Kinges gallies (of whome we sanke two) and 
allwaies repulsed the reste, and were (withoute ceassinge) vehementlie shotte 
at from the shoare, but to our little hurte, God be thankede. Yeat at our 
departure we were curteouslie written unto by one Don Pedro, generall of 
those gallies. I assure your Honor the like preparacion was never hearde of, 
nor knowen, as the Kinge of Spaigne hathe and dailie makethe to invade 
Englande. He is allied with mightie Prynces and Dukes in the Straits, of 
whome (besides the forces in his owne domynyons) he is to have greate aide 
shortlie: and his provisions of breade and wynes are so greate as will suffice 
40,000 men a wholle yeere, which if they be not ympeached before they 
joyne, will be verie perillous. Oure intente therefore is (by God’s helpe) to 
intercepte their meetinges by all possible meanes we maye, which I hope 
shall have such goode successe as shall tende to the advauncemente of God’s 
glorie, the savetie of her Highnes’ royall person, the quyett of her countrie, 
and the annoyance of the enemye. This service which by God’s sufferance 
we have done, will (withoute doubte) breade some alteracyon of their pre¬ 
tences, howbeit all possible preparacions for defence are verye expediente to 
be made. Thus moch touchinge our proceedinges, and fai'ther entente in 
this actyou, I have thoughte meete to signifie unto your Honor, & would also 
more larger discourse, but that wante of leisure causeth me to leave the same 
to the reporte of this bearer. And so in verie greate haste, with remem- 
braunce of my humble duetie, doe take my leave of your Honor. From 




CHAP. VII.] 


EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 


103 


aboarde her Highnes’ good shippe the Elizabethe Bonaventure, the 27th jf 
April 1587. 

Your Honor’s 
redye allwayes 
to be commaunded, 

Fra : Drake. 

I leave the report of dyvers partycullers to the bearer hereof, and pray 
pardon for not writtyng with my owne hand. I am overcome with busy¬ 
nesses. 


The Right Hon. 

Sir Fras. Walsingham. 


Your Honor’s ever redy, 

Fra: Drake.* 


The General next shaped his course towards Cape Sacre 
(Sagres), and in the way thither captured and burnt nearly a 
hundred ships, barks, and caravels, laden with warlike stores. 
On arriving at Cape Sacre (Sagres) the troops were landed, and 
the castle and three other strongholds assaulted; all of which 
were either taken by force or surrendered. 

Hence the squadron proceeded towards Lisbon, and anchored 
near Cascais, where the Marquis of Santa Cruz was then lying 
with his galleys. The marquis appears to have looked on very 
quietly whilst the English were destroying the shipping; and 
ultimately to have run away without exchanging a single shot 
with them. 

The following letter from Drake, which, like the former, is 
copied from the original in the State Paper Office, is both cha¬ 
racteristic and interesting:— 

Sir Francis Drake to Sir F. Walsingham. 

17 May, 1587. 

Sence the departyng of Captayne Crosse, Right Honorable, ther hath 
happened betweene the Spanyards, Portyngalls, and ourselves, dyvers com- 
batts, in the which it hathe pleased God that we have taken forty shipes, 
barks, carvelles, and dyvers other vesselles, more than a hundreth, most 
laden; som with oorse for gallyes, planke, and tymber,. for shippes and 
penaces, howpes and pype-staves for casks, with many other provytions for 
this great armey. I assuer your honor the howpes and pype-staves were 
above 16 or 17 Ctonn (1600 or 1700) in wayght, which cannott be lessethan 
25 or 30 thousand tonn if it had bynn made in caske redy for lyqwyer; all 
which I comaunded to be consumed into smoke and asshes by fyer, which 


* MS. State Paper Office. 





104 


EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 


[chap. VII. 


will be unto the King no small waste of his provycyons, besyds the want of 
his barks. The netts which we have consumed will cawse the people to 
curse ther governours to ther fface. 

The Porttyngalles I have allwayes comaunded to be used well, and sent 
them ashoore without the wantyng of any ther aparrell, and have mad them 
to know that it was unto me a great greffe that I was dryven to hurtt of these 
to the vallew of one ryall of platt, but that I found them employed for the 
Spanyards servesscs which we hold to be our morttall enemyes, and gave 
som Porttyngallers som mony in their pursses, and put them aland in dyvers 
places, upon which usage, yf we staye here any tyme, the Spanyards which 
are here in Porttyngall, yf they com under our hands, will become all 
Porttyngalles, and play as Petter dyd, forsweer ther master, rather then to be 
sold as slaves. I asshure your honor this hath breed a great fear in the 
Spaynard. 

I spake with the Marquyes of Santa Cruse, at Cast Calles (Cascayes) nere 
Lysbona, by messenger, wher he was abourd his gallyes, to know whether 
he would redeme any of his Master’s subjeetts, which I had som fear of, for 
suche of my Mystryes’ people as he had under his government. The Mar- 
qwes sent me word, that as he was a gentleman he had nonne, and that I 
should asshuer myselfe that yf he had had any he would shurly have sent 
them me; which I knew was not so, for that I had trew entellegence by 
Ynglyshemen and Porttyngalles that the Marquyes had dyvers Ynglyshe- 
men bothe in his gallyes and prysons; but in trewth I thinck the Marquyes 
durst not release our Ynglyshmen before he have order from his King, and 
lyberttye from the persecuttying clergey. 

I sent lykwyse to the Generali of the K. gallyes at Calles, and to all such 
Governors as I convenyently myght for the redemyng of ther Spaniards— 
they all aunsered me kyndly, but som had bowght a plow of oxen, others 
had taken a farme, and the rest had maryed wyffes; the former prayed to be 
held excused, and the latter could send us no Ynglyshmen,—whereupon it is 
agreed by us all, her Majestie’s captaynes and masters, that all such Span- 
yards, as yt shall please God to send under our hands, that they shall be 
sold unto the Mowres, and the mony reserved for the redemyng of such of 
our contryemen as may be redemed therwith. 

For the reveng of these things, what forces the contry is abell to make, 
we shall be sueer to have browght uppon us, as ffar as they may, with all 
the devyces and trappes they cann devyse; I thancke them much they have 
stayed so long, and when they com they shall be but the sonnes of morttall 
men, and for the most part enemyes to the truthe and upholders of balles to 
Dagon’s imag, which hath alredye ffallen before the arke of our God, with 
his hands, armes, and head stroken of. 

As long as it shall please God to geve us provycyons to eat and drincke, 
and that our shipes and wynd and wether will permett us, you shall surly 
hyer of us nere this Cape of St. Vencent; wher we dow and will exspecte 
daylly what her Majestie and your honors will farther comaund. 

God make us all thanckfull that her Majestie sent out these ffewe shioes 
in tyme. 



CHAP. VII.] 


EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 


105 


If ther were here six more of her Majestie’s good shippes of the second 
sort, we should be the better abell to kepe ther forces from joynyng, and 
happelly take or impeache his fletts from all places in the next monthe, and 
so after which is the chefest terms of their retornes home, which I judge in 
my power opynyon will bring this great monarchye to those condycyons 
which ar meett. 

There must be a begynnyng of any great matter, but the contenewing 
unto the end untyll it be thoroughly flynyshed yeldes the trew glory. Yf 
Hanybull had ffollowed his victoryes, it is thowght of many he had never 
byne taken by Sepyo. 

God mak us all thanckfull agayne and agayne that we have, altliowghe it 
be lettell, mad a begennyng upon the cost of Spayne. If we can thorowghly 
beleve that this which we dow is in the defence of our relygyon and contrye, 
no doubt but our mercyfull God for his Christ, our Savyour’s sake, is abell, 
and will geve us victory, althowghe our sennes be reed. God geve us grace 
we may feare hym, and daylly to call upon hym, so shall nether Sattan, nor 
his menesters prevayell agaynst us; although God permett yow to be towched 
in body, yeat the Lord will hold his mynd pure. Lett me be pardoned of 
your honor agayne and agayne for my over myche boldnes, it is the conffe- 
cyon of my owne concyence, my dutty in all humbellnes to your honor, my 
good lady your yocke partener and all yours, beseching you all to pray unto 
God hartelly for us, as we dow daylly for all you. Hast, from her Majestie’s 
good shipe the Ellyzabethe Bonaventure, now rydyng at Cape Saker, this 
17th May, 1587. 

Your honor’s most redy to be comanded, 

Fra : Drake. 

The Right Hon: 

Sir Fras. Walsingham. 

With all speede. 

Most of the historians of this voyage state, that the General 
sent a message to the marquis to say that he was there ready to 
exchange shot with him, and that the marquis refused the chal¬ 
lenge, returning for answer, that he was not at that time ready to 
meet him, nor had any such commission to do so from his king. 
The letter just given disproves this statement. 

One of the narrators of this expedition states— 

“ Our General, seeing no more good to be done in this place, having 
destroyed every kind of craft near the mouth of the Tagus, thought it expe¬ 
dient to spend no longer time upon this coast; and therefore, with the appro¬ 
bation of the next officer in command, and to the great satisfaction of the 
merchant adventurers, who were not at all pleased with the destruction of so 
much valuable property before Calais and Cascais, he shaped his course for 
the Isles of Azores, and, in making for the Isle of St. Michael, and coming 
within twenty or thirty leagues thereof, it was his good fortune to fall in with 





106 


EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 


[chap. VII. 


a Portuguese carrak called Saint Philip, being the same ship which, in the 
voyage outward, had carried back the three princes of Japan, who had 
visited Europe, into the Indies. This carrak, without any great resistance, 
was captured, and the people thereof were transferred into certain of the 
merchant vessels well furnished with victuals, and sent away courteously 
home into their own country. This was the first carrak that ever was taken 
on a return voyage from the East Indies; and her fate was considered by the 
Portuguese as an evil omen, because the ship bore the King’s own name. 

“ The wealth of this prize seemed so great unto the whole company (as in 
truth it was), that they assured themselves every man would receive a suf¬ 
ficient reward for all his trouble and expenses; and thereupon they all 
resolved to return home, without further delay in looking for prizes, in which 
they were gratified by the approbation of the General, who was fully aware 
of the very great value of the prize he had captured. He therefore ordered 
his squadron to bear up for England, which they all most cheerfully obeyed; 
and happily arrived in Plymouth the same summer, with their whole fleet of 
merchant ships, and this rich booty, to their own profit and due commenda¬ 
tion, and to the great admiration of the whole kingdom, and the extreme 
care and anxiety of her Majesty’s government to secure that * rich booty ’ 
for future appropriation, as we shall presently see. 

“ And here, by the way, it is to be noted that the taking of this carrak 
wrought two extraordinary effects in England: first, that it taught others 
that carraks were no such non-descripts but that they might easily enough 
be taken (as since indeed it hath turned out in the taking of the Madre de Dios, 
and firing and sinking of others) ; and secondly, in acquainting the English 
nation, and the merchants more particularly, with the detail of the exceeding 
great riches and wealth of the East Indies; whereby the Portuguese and 
their neighbours of Holland have long been encouraged; both being men as 
skilful in navigation, and of no less courage than the Portugals, to share with 
them in the traffic to the East Indies, where their power is nothing sc great 
as heretofore hath been supposed.” 

Elizabeth granted a charter to certain merchants of the city 
of London to trade to the East Indies, with certain exclusive 
privileges, under the title of u The Governor and Company of 
Merchants of London, trading to the East Indies,” which lias 
continued ever since. 

The enormous wealth brought into England by this carrak 
was deemed of so much importance that the Lords of her 
Majesty’s Privy Council appointed Commissioners to go down 
forthwith to Plymouth, for the express purpose of examining it 
and regulating the disposal of it. It is more than probable that 
details of all the riches she contained, and the mode in which 
they were disposed of, are given in the Burleigh MSS., which, 
unfortunately, are still inaccessible. The carrak, after she was 



CHAT. VII.] 


EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 


107 


unladen, was sent up to Saitash, and there accidentally destroyed 
by fire. 

Altogether the results of this expedition were most satisfac- 

tory; and even Sir William Monson, prone as he is to censure, 

lias no fault to find with it. lie says—“ This voyage proceeded 

prosperously, and without exception ; for there was both honour 

and wealth gained, and the enemy was greatly endamaged and 

yet there were circumstances connected with it which mmht 
" © 

have afforded him ample scope for very stringent remarks on 
naval discipline. Not only did the crew of one of the ships 
mutiny, and go off with her to England ; but the second officer 
in command, Captain Burroughs, was guilty of such insubor¬ 
dination that Drake was obliged to displace him, and put him 
under arrest. 

The accessible documents regarding this transaction are very 
imperfect: whether the Burleigh Papers at Hatfield would 
supply the deficiency is still unknown. 

The officer in question was Captain William Burroughs, who 
was next in rank to Drake, and was on board the Golden Lyon, 
the ship in which the mutiny subsequently occurred. Feeling 
himself aggrieved by the Admiral’s conduct towards him, and 
dissatisfied with his plans for the future conduct of the expedition, 
he addressed the following most improper and unofficer-like letter 
to him :— 


From Captain Burroughs to Sir Francis Drake. 

My very Good Admirall, 30 April, 1587. 

For that hitherto in all this voyadg since our coming forthe (albeit 
there have bin often assemblies of the Captains of this fleete aboord of you, 
called by a flag of counsell, which I have judged had bin chiefly for such 
purpose) I could never perceive any matter of counsell or advice touching 
the accion, & service for her Majestie, with the fleete nowe under your 
chardge, to be effectually propounded, & debated, as in reason I judge there 
owght to have bin, as well for the better ordering of the affaires, busynes & 
attempts, as also for your owne securitye (for when you shoulde deale by 
advice and counsell of suche as are appointed for your assistaunce, & such 
other of experience as may be woorthye to be called thereunto, howsoever the 
succes fall out, yt shall be the better for your dischardge). But at all and 
every suche assemblye you have either shewid briefly your purpose what 
you wolde doe, as a matter resolved in yourself and of yourselfe, for oughte 
that I know, unlesse you have called unto you suche as happelye will soothe 




108 


EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 


[chap. vii. 


you in any thinge you shall saye, & so concluded the matter with his or 
theire consents before hande, in such sorte as no reason made by any other, 
not fullye agreeing with your owne resolucion, coolde be accepted to take 
any place wherein we (I speake chiefly for myne owne parte) have servid 
but as witnesses to the woordes you have delivered ; Or els you have used us 
well by entertaining us with your good eheare, & so most tymes after our 
staye with you most part of the daye, we have departed as wise as we came, 
without any consultacion or counsell holden. This manor of assemblies 
(albeit it maye please you to terme them either counsells or courts) are farre 
from the purpose & not suche as in reason they ought to be. You also 
neglected giving instructions to the Fleet in tyme and sorte as they ought to 
have had, and as yt owght to be,—for which I have bin sorye, & wolde 
gladlye yt had byn otherwise. But I have founde you alwaies so wedded to 
your owne opinion & will, that you rather disliked and shewed us that it 
were otfencive unto you that any slioold gyve you advice in anything (at 
least I speake it for myself) for which cawse I have refrained often to speake 
that which otherwise I woold, and in reason in dischardge of the duetye I 
owe to Her Majestie and the place 1 serve in, I ought to have don : which 
place you make no accompte of, nor make any difference between it & the 
other Captains, naye you deale not so with me as you doe to other, your 
affection maye leade you therein, & to love and use any man better then you 
doe me ys no cawse of reason whye I shulde dislike it,—for myself, or any 
man, maye be likewise affected to one man, more then another, but I looke 
to be well used by you, in respect of, and according to, my place, which I 
fynde not. I have servid in place as I doe nowe, viz Admirall at the sea, 
unto the nowe L. Admirall of Englande ; yt pleased his Lordship to use me 
well; and accompted of me according to the place for the tyme. I have 
served Her Majestie as her Admirall at the Seas, as you are nowe (& doe 
thinke that I shold not have bin appointed for this service, & in this place, 
with suche woordes from Her Highness, except I had bin thought meet to 
take chardge of suche a Fleet, yf you should miscarye). 

I have had instructions (for comission) for divers services comitted to my 
chardge, with as large and ample woordes in effect as you have nowe. ffor, 
as I take it, the substaunce of the skope that is geven you is this, ffor that by 
informacion the King of Spaine is preparing a great army by sea, parte at 
Lisbone, & other in Andellozia, and within the Strayts; all which was judged 
shuld meete at Lisbone, & the same to come for England or some parte of 
Her Majestie’s dominions, Her Majestie’s pleasure is, by advice of Her 
Highnes’ Counsell, that you, with these ships nowe under yonr chardge, 
shuld come hyther to this Cape, & upon this coast; & seeke, by all the best 
meanes you can, to impeaclie theire purpose, and stop their meting at 
Lisbone, if it myght be, whereof the manor howe, is referred to your dis- 
creation. This is the effect of your Instructions (as I remember) and suche 
like in effect I have received, divers which I can shew. 

Nowe that you should conster these woordes to go whether you will, and 
to attempt and do what you lyst, I thinke the woordes will not beare you owt 
in it. And therefore I praye you (for your owne good'' advize yourself 




EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 


109 


CHAP. VII.J 


well in theise matters you purpose to attempt, which may not well he main¬ 
tained by the woordes of your Instructions. 

The chief cawse that moovid me to write you thus muche, is, for that it 
pleased you yesterdaye, to tell me that you purposed to lande at the Cape, 
for surprising the Castell of Cape Saker or the Ablye to the eastwards of it, 
(or both). I heard speaches and debaiting of suche matter intended by you, 
by divers as they weare standinge in troopes upon the decke, before the 
steridg of your ship, before you told it me; and 1 heard the lyke ther 
amongst them also after you had told it me. I coold not perceive any of 
them to lyke there should be any landing upon this coast nere those places, 
neyther for taking the Castell or Ablye, nor yet for freshe water, for that 
there is no watring place nerer then half a myle from the water syde, which 
is but a poole, to the wdiich the waye is badd: I doe not finde by your In¬ 
structions, any advice to lande, but I remember a spec.iall caviat and advice 
geven you to the contrarye by the Lord High Admirall. 

Nowe to land at this place for the attaining of 3 or 4 peces of ordinance 
that maye be in the castell, & perhaps as manye in the ablye, yf you should 
atchieve your purpose, as yesterdaye it was reasoned & alledged amongst 
them, What have you of it? No matter of substance! neither shall any 
man be bettrid by it, but a satisfying of your mynde that you maye saye, Thus 
I have don upon the King of Spaine’s land.—But Sir, I wolde have you to 
consider, that though you have a good mynde to attempte the thinge in hope 
of good successe, yet you maye mysse of your purpose, for (some) of your 
owne Captaines that shoulde serve for the lande have said, that yf they were 
in eyther of those 2 places (being suche as they are reported) with one 
hundredth of good men they woulde not dowbt to keepe you out with all the 
force you can make. 

And shall we thincke that the people of this contrye are so symple that 
upon suche advertisements of us as they have, & our being cont.inuallye in 
theire sight thus many daies as we have bin, that they will not seeke to 
provide for those places, & for the Coast hereabowt as well as they can ? 
Surelye I doe not thinke so of them, & therefore the getting of them maye be 
dowbtfull, and so maye it be dowbted of your safe landing & safe retorning 
backe to the ships, without great losse of men, or overthrowe by the power 
that maye be raised in the lande, which God keepe you from. 

Besydes, you knowe what galleis we lefte at Gaels, & of 20 more that are 
come from Gibralter; let us thinke that the gonnors under the King have a 
care for keeping of his Coasts, and whye maye there not be part, or the most 
part of those gallies sent to lye upon this coast, to wayet oportunytye to take 
the advantadge upon us (as this night divers of my company said they sawe 
3 betweene us and shore, even at the verye instant as the gale began) you 
knowe they may be uppon the coast nere at hande, where they maye see us, 
or have intelligence where we are, and what we doe from tyme to tyme, and 
yet we not to see them, nor have any knowledg of theire being, so maye 
they wayet for your landing, & cut you off, and indanger the fleete (yf it be 
calme and the ships at anker, where they cannot travers to make playe with 
them)—yea, they may troble us, and doe some mischief to our fleet, being 




110 


EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 


[chap. vii. 


calme as of late it hath bin, yf we keepe so nere the shore, scaterid, as yes- 
terdaye, & in former tyme we did, albeit we attempt not to lande. 

Moreover, to land men, requireth a land wind, or calme wether & smothe 
water, that the ships may be brought at anker nere the shore; when men are 
landed, yt is uncertaine when they shall retorne; yf in the meane the winde 
sholde chop off into the sea uppon the sodden, what then, do you thinke it 
mete that the ships shold remaine at ancker, & put all in hazard to be lost 
and cast away ? 

Consider, I praye you, effectually of theise points, for I hav don so, and 
thereuppon am resolved in opinion that it is not meete nor convenient that 
you attempte to lande hereabowt: which I thought good to advertise rather 
by writing which you may keepe to yourself, or manyfest it at your pleasure 
(for 1 have done it as I will answere to everye pointe thereof) then to have 
sayd so muche openlye, or in hearinge of some, which happellye might have 
bin to your dislikinge. 1 praye you to take this in goode parte as I meane 
it; for I protest before God, I doe it to none other ende, but in dischardg of 
my duety towardes Her Majestie and the service, and of good will and well 
meaninge towardes you. 

Aboorde the Lyon in sight of Cape St. Vincent this Sondaye morne the 
30th of Aprill: 1587. 

Yours at commaunde, 

(Signed) W : B : 

To the Right Worshipfull 

Sir ffrauncis Drake, Knyght, 

Her Majestie’s Admirall of the Fleet here present 
at the Seas. Aboord the Elsabeth Bonaventer. 

In this, as in many similar instances where an inferior officer 
is discontented with his commander, the individual’s own state¬ 
ment of his case is in itself sufficient to disprove his charge. 
When we consider Drake’s established reputation, it seems 
astonishing that any man could have been so far wanting in 
judgment as to have addressed such a letter to him; and there is 
also in parts of it a tone of timidity, and a wish to keep as much 
out of danger as possible, which are as unusual as they are un¬ 
becoming' in a British sailor. 

Whether Drake gave any written reply to this letter does not 
appear ; but that he took proper notice of it, and that Burroughs 
perceived the necessity of submission, is evident from a second 
letter which he addressed to the Admiral:— 

2d Maye, 1587. 

Sir, 

I am sorye that you make suche construction of my lettre. I pro¬ 
test I did it only in dischardge of my duetye, and for the better per¬ 
formance of Her Majestie’s service; yf you shall willinglye accept it soe, yt 




CHAP. VII.] 


EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 


Ill 


is that wherof I shall be very glad, and you shall finde as muche good will 
and forwardnes in me, for the execution of Her Majestie’s service in this 
accion, as shall become that place and credit that Her Majesty, and her 
Highnes’ counsell, have thought me woorthye of, and myself as rcadye to 
foilowe your directions, as at any tyme I have don, or any man shall doe. 
And for furder satisfying of you I will doe such furder matter, as theise gen¬ 
tlemen shall relate unto you.* 

A.boord the Lyon, this Tewsdaye the 2d of Maye, 1587. 

Yours to Comandt, 

(Signed) W. B. 

To the lit. Worshipfull 
Sir ffrancis Drake, knyght, 

Her Majesty’s Admirall of the fleet here present 
at the seas. Aboord the Elsabeth Bonaventer. 

* “ That was to burne, or deliver hym the coppye of my lettre.” 


These two letters are copied from the Burghley Papers, form¬ 
ing part of the Lansdowne MSS. in the British Museum : among 
the Cottonian MSS., also in the British Museum, is a part of a 
letter on this subject addressed by Drake to Lord Burleigh. It 
is as follows:— 

with the other w 
I thank God 

My good Lord, I am very unw complayne, especiallye by 

writtying ; Borrowghes hath not carried hymself (in this) accyon so well as 
I wyshe he had don (for) his owne sak, and in his persistynge hath commetted 
a dubbell offence (not) only agaynst me, but it towcheth further; I dysmest 
hym of his place : Captayne Parker yf your honor reqwyre it, will adver¬ 
tise your honor of muche of the matter. I humbly take my leave of your 
honor. From som what to estwai’ds of Cape Saker (Sagres) this 21 May 
1587. 

Your Lordship’s ever redye 
to be commanded, 

Fra: Drake.* 

The Right. Hon. 

Lord Burleigh. 

It appears that Captain Burroughs, after he was placed under 
arrest, remained in his own ship, the Golden Lyon, and was 
carried in her to England when the crew mutinied. What steps 
Drake took on his return home are nowhere stated ; but that 
he brought the business before the proper authority is evident 

* This letter was one of the many papers of the Cottonian Collection 
which were injured by the fire at Ashburnham House in 1731. 





112 


EXPEDITION TO CADIZ. 


[chap. VII. 


from Burroughs’ answer to the Admiral’s charges which is among 
the Lansdowne MSS.; but the documents do not show what was 
the result of the proceedings. Captain Burroughs, however, was 
employed against the Armada as captain of the galley Bonavolio, 
250 men; but he is not mentioned in the account of the destruc¬ 
tion of the Spanish fleet; he obtained neither honours nor pro¬ 
motion, and does not. appear to have been ever again employed. 




CHAP. VIII.] 


THE SPANISH ARMADA. 


IIS 


NQV 



L 

* .CHAPTER VIII. 


TJIK SPANISH ARMADA, CALLED THE INVINCIBLE 

1588. 


Pretence of treating for peace—Unworthy conduct of Spain—Predictions of 

triumph—Naval and military forces—Lord High Admiral puts to sea_ 

Correspondence of Lord C. Howard and Sir F. Drake with the Queen, 
Sir Francis Walsingham, and Lords of the Council. 

Drake’s last expedition, which lie facetiously called “ singeing 
the King of Spain’s beard,” had rendered it impossible for the 
Spaniards to attempt the invasion of England during that year, 
as they had fully intended, and for which they had considered 
themselves prepared, whilst England certainly was not. The 
number of transport-shipping, and the quantity of stores, provi¬ 
sions, and other equipments, which Drake had destroyed in their 
ports, was so great that it required a year to replace them. In 
the meantime, the Prince of Parma in behalf of Philip, and cer¬ 
tain commissioners on the part of Elizabeth, were continuing, in 
the Netherlands, the farce of negociating for a treaty of peace ; 
a mere pretence on both sides, begun, as was said, by the device 
of the Queen of England, to divert the hostile preparations of 
Spain, and continued by the Spaniard for the sake of conceal¬ 
ment, and in order to take England by surprise ; striving, as 
Camden says, on both sides, “ to sew the foxe’s skin to the 
lion’s.” 

But long before the commission was dissolved, all attempt at 
concealment on the part of Spain had ceased ; and it was publicly 
known that, encouraged by the Pope, Philip had avowed his 
determination to make the conquest of England, by which the 
true church of God and the Roman Catholic religion would be 
restored, and heresy abolished. It was asserted that the caus« 
was just and meritorious, the Queen being already excommuni- 






m 


THE SPANISH ARMADA, 


[chap. VIII. 


cate, and contumacious against the church of Rome; and also 
supporting the King of Spain’s rebel subjects in the Netherlands, 
annoying the Spaniards by constant depredations, surprising and 
sacking their towns in Spain and America, and having, not long 
before, put to death the Queen of Scotland, thereby violating the 
majesty of all sovereign princes. 

Among the most active promoters of the invasion of England 
was Bernardin Mendoza, formerly ambassador from Spain at the 
court of London, and now at Paris. His hatred of Elizabeth for 
having got rid of him was inveterate ; and by means of the press, 
which was at his disposal, he disseminated every species of false¬ 
hood and invective against England ; and confidently proclaimed 
the overthrow of that kingdom, by the immense forces of Philip 
then in preparation ; asserting also the weakness of Elizabeth in 
her naval and military establishments, and withal the disaffection 
of her subjects. There was resident in London at this time an 
English Catholic missionary (or seminary) priest, who took the 
trouble to write a voluminous letter to Mendoza, to disabuse 
him and his partisans of the erroneous opinions they were 
propagating respecting England ; stating to him at the same time 
what he conceived to be the more proper conduct for Spain to 
pursue. He asserts that the success of a foreign invasion of 
England depended less on a large army being landed, than on a 
strong Catholic party in England, ready to join the foreign forces 
on their landing; he recommends a more politic line of conduct 
than that of having recourse to the Pope’s excommunication of 
the sovereign, or his usurped power of absolving subjects from 
their allegiance, and disposing of kingdoms by violence, blood, 
slaughter, and conquest; above all, he points out the necessity of 
concealing their intentions till the time comes for striking the 
blow effectually: — 

“ For,” says he, “when such things are published without reserve, they 
only induce the Queen to strengthen her kingdom, by calling out the mili¬ 
tary, and to guard those parts of the coast where a landing is feasible. Be¬ 
sides,” he adds, “ every nobleman, knight, and gentleman of fortune, imme¬ 
diately took the alarm, and thought it time, for their own and the public 
safety, by arming their servants and dependents.”* 

There is reason to suppose that this letter never reached Men- 

* Harleian Miscellany. 



CHAP. VIII.] 


CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 


115 


doza: had he received it, however, he was not the man to have 
been moved by such arguments. This honest priest—an English¬ 
man, be it remembered—is said to have been executed for treason, 
committed during the time that the Armada was on its way to 
England. 

Not only Mendoza and his partisans, but all the priests, politi¬ 
cians, and poets of Spain, were sedulously employing their pens 
in proclaiming her approaching glorious triumph, of which they 
said it would be little short of impiety to entertain a doubt. In 
almost all these effusions the two great points insisted upon were 
to take the Queen and kill the Drake. 

The enthusiasm which prevailed in Spain the preceding year, 
did not appear to have been in the least diminished by the destruc¬ 
tive operations of Drake, or the delusive negociations in the 
Netherlands: on the contrary, the Spaniards were more eager 
than ever to make the attempt. . Alphonso Perez de Gusman, 
Duke of Medina Sidonia, was appointed to the chief command, 
and John Martinez Recalde, an experienced seaman, to be second 
in command under him. The Duke of Paliano and the Marquis 
of Santa Croce were originally designed to fill these offices, but 
they both died before the preparations were completed; and it 
was said that the marquis received his death-blow from Drake, at 
Cascais, the preceding year ; at least he fell sick almost imme¬ 
diately after those transactions, and never recovered. 

On putting to sea, the Duke of Medina Sidonia was instructed 
to keep as near to the coast of France as wind and weather would 
permit, in order to avoid falling in with the English fleet; and 
to proceed to Calais, where he might expect to meet the Duke of 
Parma, with a fleet of small vessels and 40,000 men: if the duke 
were not arrived, he was to come to anchor in a place of safety 
thereabouts, and wait his joining ; when the whole were to stand 
over and enter the Thames, directing their course for London ; 
which it was presumed would be taken by a sudden assault, or 
fall after a single battle. In laying down this plan of operations, 
they were not aware that Lord Henry Seymour had already taken 
his station, with a fleet of sixty English and Dutch ships, to pre¬ 
vent the Duke of Parma from coming out of harbour. 

The Duke of Sidonia, however, on his arrival in the Groyne, 
to which port the fleet had been driven for refuge by stress of 

i 2 



116 


THE SPANISH ARMADA, 


[chap. VIII. 


weather, was induced to deviate, from the king’s instructions, in 
consequence of false information received from the master of an 
English barque, that the English fleet were lying inactive in Ply¬ 
mouth Sound, and were unprepared to meet such an armament. 
Relying on this information, the general Don Diego de Valdez, 
an able and experienced seaman, on whose opinion the greatest 
reliance was placed, and who in fact was the chief adviser of the 
original plan, prevailed on the duke to deviate from it, and pro¬ 
ceed direct to Plymouth in order to attack the British fleet un¬ 
prepared in that port; which, he said, if once destroyed, would 
lay all England open to their victorious arms. 

Here again they evinced how ill they were informed : Eng- 
v land was now fully prepared to receive them. The Queen had 
appointed Charles Lord Howard of Effingham, Lord High 
Admiral of England, to the chief command: his good qualities 
had placed him very high in her favour ; she knew him to be 
brave, and if not eminently skilled in sea affairs, that he was wary 
and provident, industrious and active, and of great authority and 
esteem among the officers of her navy. Sir Francis Drake was 
next sent for, and received from the Queen his commission as 
Vice-Admiral, next in command to Lord Charles Howard: his 
established fame for seamanship, resolution, and forethought, 
filled every English breast with confidence. Lord Henry Sey¬ 
mour, second son of the Duke of Somerset, was already in com¬ 
mand of a squadron of ships, English and Netherlanders, sent to 
watch the Prince of Parma, and prevent his putting to sea with 
his forces to join the Armada. 

Her Majesty was not disappointed in the activity displayed by 
her two commanders, Lord Charles Howard and Sir Francis 
Drake. Lord Charles immediately hoisted his flag in the Ark 
Royal, and having obtained information of the movements of 
the enemy, addressed the following letter to Sir Francis AVal- 
singham :— 

Lord C. Howard to Sir Francis Walsingham. 

Sir, 9th March, 1587-8. 

As I had maed up my other letter, Capten Fourbysher dowthe adver- 
tyse me that he spake with 2 shyps that chame presently from Lysbone, who 
declared unto him that for certenty the King of Spaynse flyte dowthe parte 
from Lysbon unto the Groyne, the 15 of this monthe by ther acounte. Sir, 



CHAP. VIII.'] 


CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 


117 


ther is non that comse from Spayne but bryngse this advertysment, and yf it 
be trew I am afrayd it wyll not be helped when the tyme sarvethe. Surly 
this charge that heer Majestie is at is ether to muche er to lyttell, and the 
stay that is maed of Sir Francys Drake going owt I am afrayd will bred 
graet parell, and yf the King of Spayne dow send forces ether into this 
Relme, Irland, or Scotland, the Queene’s Majestie shall say, the Duke of 
Parme is tretyng of a pece, and therfor it is not pryncly downe of his master 
to dow so in the tyme of Trete, but what is that to the pourpos yf we have 
by that a Casado. And yf her Majestie chanot show the King’s hande his 
sarvant’s hande wyll be but a bad warant, yf they have ther wyshe. Sir, 
for my selfe I am detarmyned to end my lyfe in it, and the matter is not 
graet: I protest my graetest care is for heer Majestie’s honour and surte. 1 
send you a letter that now as I wryght, I receved from a man of myne, 
wyche afyrmeth the lyk. And so, Sir, I tak my leave from aboarde the Ark 
Rawly (Royal), the 9 Ma. at 12 o’clock at nyght. 

Your very lovynge frend, 

C. Howard.* 

To the Righte Honorable my verie 

lovinge freinde Sir ffrances Walsingham, Knighte: 

Principall Secretare unto Her Majestie. 

Drake was equally ready, and proceeded to Plymouth, where 
he hoisted his flag in the Revenge. 

The following is an abstract of the several squadrons composing 
the English and Spanish naval forces :— 


No. of 
Ships. 

ENGLISH. 

j Tons. 

| 

Mariners. 

34 

Her Majesty’s Ships under the Lord High 
Admiral ..... 

11,850 

6,279 

10 

Serving by tonnage with the Lord High Admiral 

750 

239 

.32 

Serving with Sir F. Drake 

5,120 

2,348 

38 

Fitted out by the City 

6,130 

2,710 

20 

Coasters with the Lord High Admiral 

1,930 

993 

23 

Coasters with the Lord Henry Seymour 

2,248 

1,073 

18 

Volunteers with the Lord High Admiral 

1,719 

859 

15 

Victuallers ..... 

— 

810 

7 

Vessels not mentioned in the King’s-Library list 

— 

474 

197 


29,744 

15,785f 


* MS. State Paper Office. 


f Lediard’s Naval History 















118 


THE SPANISH ARMADA, 


[chap. VIII. 


No. of 
Ships. 

SPANISH. 

Tons. 

Guns. 

! Mariners. 

j Soldiers. 

12 

Squadron of Portuguese Gal¬ 
leons under the Generalissimo 

7,739 

389 

1,242 

3,086 

14 

Fleet of Biscay, Captain Ge¬ 
neral Don Juan Martinez 
de Recalde 

5,861 

302 

906 

2,117 

16 

Fleet of Castile, General Don 
Diego de Valdez 

8,054 

474 

1,793 

2,924 

11 

Andalusian Squadron, Ge¬ 
neral Don Pedro de Valdez 

8,692 

315 

776 

2,359 

14 

Squadron of Guypuscoa, Don 
Mighel de Oquendo 

7,192 

296 

608 

2,120 

10 

Eastern fleet or Levantiscas, 
Don Martin Ventendona . 

8,632 

319 

844 

2,792 

23 

Fleet called Ureas or Hulks, 
Don Juan Lopez de Me¬ 
dina 

10.860 

466 

950 

4,170 ' 

24 

Pataches and Zabras, Don 
Antonio de Mendoza 

2,090 

204 

746 

1,103 

4 

Galiasses of Naples, Don 
Hugo de Moncada 


200 

477 

744 

4 

The Galleys of Portugal, 
Don Diego de Mendrana . 

— 

200 

424 

440 

132 


59,120 

3,165 

8,766 

21,855 


Besides 2088 Galley Slaves.* 


The comparison then of the two forces will stand thus :— 



Ships. 

Tons. 

Guns. 

Mariners. 

English 

197 

29,744 

837 

15,785 

Spaniards 

132 

59,120 

3,165 

8,nee 

21,855 soldiers , 





30,621 men 


65 

29,376 

2,328 

14,836 


more E. 

more S. 

more S. 

more S. 


So that the Spaniards had double the force of the English, 
except in the number of ships; and in guns nearly four times the 


* The author, after consulting the best authorities and several manuscripts, 
does not hesitate to say that these lists of the two fleets are the most com¬ 
plete and perfect that have hitherto appeared. They also very nearly agree 
with an average obtained from demi-official returns. 










































CHAP. VIII.] 


CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 


119 


force. The only cannon of 60 lb. shot, in the whole of the 
English fleet, being nineteen pieces, and twenty-eight pieces of 
demi-cannon of 33 lb. shot. The rest of their armament consisted 
of culverins, demi-culverins, sakers, mynions, falcons, and other 
small pieces. 

How the merchant-ships were armed does not appear; but, 
looking at their tonnage, two-thirds of them at least would have 
been of but little, if any, service; and, indeed, it must have re¬ 
quired uncommon vigilance to keep them out of harm’s way. 

Even the best of the Queen’s ships, placed alongside one of the 
first class of Spanish line-of-battle ships, would have been like a 
sloop-of-war by the side of a first-rate. Their high forecastles, 
always well manned, and bearing one or two tiers of guns, and 
their high poops equally well fortified, made it extremely difficult 
to board them ; as the musketry from these castles would pick the 
men off on reaching the main-deck: and it was an article in the 
general Instructions of the Spanish fleet, that every ship should 
be supplied with a chest or cask full of stones to hurl down upon 
the boarders. The odds therefore were great against the English. 
But the English heart and English seamanship made ample 
amends for all deficiencies. The danger, however, was for¬ 
midable. Spain at this time possessed the first navy in Europe; 
and her numerous and well disciplined army was inferior to none. 
In addition to their large ships, galleons and galiasses, they had 
a fleet of hulks stored with provisions and ammunition, and every 
article that could be required for establishing themselves on shore. 
So certain were they of success, that there were in the fleet up¬ 
wards of 100 (some say 180) monks, or friars, and Jesuits, ad 
propagandam ftdem among the heretics ; and there were English 
papist traitors among them to instruct the others in the language. 
Every device was adopted to give a sacred character to the inva¬ 
sion ; twelve of their ships were named after the twelve Apostles : 
and such was the prevailing enthusiasm, that every noble family 
in Spain had a son, or brother, or nephew, serving in the fleet as 
a volunteer. 

Nor was the enthusiastic spirit of the sons and relatives of the 
English nobility and gentry less strong. A great number of 
them joined the auxiliary ships, which poured in to reinforce 



120 THE SPANISH ARMADA, [chap. viii. 

the fleet from all quarters. The citizens of London, in the first 
instance, requested they might send fifteen stout ships, with 5000 
men, to the fleet; and ultimately they supplied no less than thirty- 
eight ships, and 10,000 men, of whom 2700 were seamen. 

Nothing, indeed, could exceed the general expression of love 
and duty towards the Queen ; who, with a dignity of spirit equal 
to the wisdom of her measures, gave a striking example of devo¬ 
tion to her country and her faith ; boldly placing herself at the 
head of her troops, and taking her stand at Tilbury Fort, to 
arrest the progress of the enemy, should they dare to approach 
her capital. The speech she delivered on the occasion was 
worthy of a great and noble mind :— 

“ My loving people.” she said, “ we have been persuaded by some that are 
careful of our safety, to take heed how we commit ourselves to armed multi¬ 
tudes, for fear of treachery; but assure you, I do not desire to live to distrust 
my faithful and loving people. Let tyrants fear: I have always so behaved 
myself, that, under God, I have placed my chiefest strength and safeguard 
in the loyal hearts and goodwill of my subjects. And therefore I am come 
amongst you at this time, not as for my recreation or sport, but being re¬ 
solved, in the midst and heat of the battle, to live or die amongst you all; to 
lay down, for my God, and for my kingdom, and for my people, my honour 
and my blood, even in the dust. I know I have but the body of a weak and 
feeble woman, but I have the heart of a King, and of a King of England too; 
and think foul scorn that Parma or Spain, or any prince of Europe, should 
dare to invade the borders of my realms: to which, rather than any disho 
nour should grow by me, I myself will take up arms : I myself will be your 
general, judge, and rewarder of every one of your virtues in the field. I 
know already, by your forwardness, that you have deserved rewards and 
crowns; and we do assure you, on the word of a prince, they shall be duly 
paid you. In the mean time my lieutenant-general shall be in my stead, 
than whom never prince commanded a more noble and worthy subject; not 
doubting by your obedience to my general, by your concord in the camp, 
and your valour in the field, we shall shortly have a famous victory over 
those enemies of my God, of my kingdom, and of my people.” 

The number of troops that attended the Queen at Tilbury 
were—56,000 foot and 3000 horse ; and 20,000 soldiers were 
stationed along the coast. 

Early in March the Lord High Admiral, having made his 
arrangements, hoisted his flag, as already stated, on board the 
Ark Royal; and proceeded to visit the stations on which his 
fleet was placed, beginning with that of Lord H. Seymour in 







CHAP. VIII.] 


CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 


121 


the Downs, which was appointed to watch Dunkirk ; and then 
intending to proceed to Plymouth, where Drake was preparing 
the Western Squadron. 

Sir Francis Drake to the Lords of the Council. 

30 March, 1588. 

Righte Honorable and my verie good Lordes, 

Understandinge by your good Lordships’ letters her Majestie’s goode 
inclynacion for the speedye sendinge of theise forces here unto the seas, for 
the defence of the enemye, and that, of her Majestie’s greate favor, and your 
Lordship’s good opynyon, you have made choice of me (althoughe the least 
of manye) to be as an actor in so greate a cause, I am moste humblie to be- 
seeche my moste gracious Soveraigne and your good Lordships to heare my 
poore opynyon with favor, and so to judge of it accordinge to your greate 
wisdomes. 

If her Majestie and your Lordships thincke that the King of Spaigne 
meanethe any invasyon in Englande, then doubtlesse his force is and will be 
greate in Spaigne, and thereon he will make his groundworke, or foundation, 
whereby the prynce of Parma maye have the better entraunce, which in 
myne owne judgemente is most to be feared: but if there maye be suche a 
staye or stoppe made, by any meanes of this ffleete, in Spaigne, that they 
maye not come throughe the seas as conquerors (which I assure myselfe they 
thincke to doe) then shall the Prince of Parma have suche a checke there- 
bye as were meete. 

To prevente this I thincke it goode that theise forces here shoulde be made 
as stronge as to your Honors’ wisdomes shall be thoughte convenyente, and 
that for two speciall causes: ffirste, for that they are like to strike the firste 
blowe, and secondlie, it will putt greate and goode hartes into her Majestie’s 
lovinge subjectes bothe abroade and at home, ffor that they will be perswaded 
in conscyence that the Lord of all strengthes will putt into her Majestic and 
her people coraige & boldness not to feare any invasyon in her owne countrie, 
but to seeke God’s enemyes and her Majesties’ where they maye be founde : 
ffor the Lorde is on our side, whereby we may assure ourselves our nombers 
are greater than theirs. I muste crave pardon of your good Lordships againe 
and againe, for my conscience hath caused me to putt my pen to the paper, 
and as God in his goodnes hathe putt my hande to the ploughe, so in his 
mercy he will never suffer me to turne backe from the truthe. 

My verie good Lords, next, under God’s mightie proteccion, the advan¬ 
tage and gaine of tyme and place, will be the onlie and cheife mea,ne for our 
goode, wherein .1 most humblie beseeche your good Lordships to persever as 
you have began, for that with feiftie saile of shippinge we shall doe more 
good uppon their owne coaste, then a greate manye more will doe here at 
home, and the sooner we are gone the better we shall be able to ympeache 
them. 

There is come home, synce the sending awaie of my laste messenger one 
l ark (whorne I sente out as an Espiall), who confyrmeth those intelligences 





122 


THE SPANISH ARMADA, 


[chap. VIII. 


whereof I have advertized your Lordships by him; and that divers of those 
Biskaines are abroade uppon that coaste, wearinge Englishe flagges, whereof 
there are made in Lisbone three hundreth, with the redde Crosse, which is a 
great presumptcons proceedinge of the hautynes & pride of the Spaynierde, 
and not to be tollerated by any true naturall Englishe harte. 

I have herein enclosed sente this note unto your Lordships, to consider of 
our proporcions in powlder, shotte, and other munycion, under the hande of 
the surveyor’s clerke of the ordynaunce: the which proporcion in powlder 
and shotte for our greate ordynaunce in her Majestie’s shippes is but for one 
daie and halfe’s servyce, if it be begonne and contynewed as the service may 
requyer; and but five lastes of powlder for 24 saile of the marchaunte 
shippes, which will scante be suffytient for one daie’s service, and divers oc- 
casyons maye be offred. 

Good my Lords, I beseeche you to consider deeplie of this, for it importeth 
but the losse of all. 

I have staled this messenger somewhat the longer for the hearinge of this 
Ducheman who came latelie out of Lisbone, and hath delivered theise adver¬ 
tisements herein enclosed under his hande the 28th of this Marche before 
myselfe and divers Justices. 

I have sente unto your good Lordships the note of such powlder and mu- 
nytyon as are delivered unto us, for this great service, which in truthe I 
judge to be just a thirde parte of that which is needefull: ffor if we should 
wante it when we shall have moste neede thereof it will be too late to sende 
to the Tower for it. I assure your Honors it neither is or shall be spente in 
vaine. And thus restinge at your Honors’ farther direccion, I humblie take 
my leave of your good Lordships. 

From Plymowth this xxxth of Marche, 1588. 

Your good Lordships’ 

verie ready to be commaunded, 

Fra: Drake.* 

To the righte Honorable & my verie 

goode Lordes the Lordes of Her Majestie’s 
Most Honorable Previe Counsell. 

Sir Francis Drake to the Queen. 

Most gracyous Soveraigne, 13 April, 1588. 

I have receaved from Mr. Secreatary som particular notes and withall 
a commandment, to awnswere them unto your Majestie. 

The first is that your Majestie would willyngly be satisfyed from me how 
the forces nowe in Lysbone myght best be dystressed. 

Trewly this poynt is hardly to be awnswered as yeat, for tow specyall 
cawses, the fyrst, for that our intelligences are as yeat uncertayne. The 
second, is the resolucyon of our owne people, which I shall better under¬ 
stand when I have them at sea. The last insample at Calles is not of dyvers 
yeat forgotten, for one such flying nowe, as Borrowghes dyd then, will put 


* MS. State Paper Office. 




CHAP. VIII.] 


CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 


123 


the wholle in penile ffor that the enemyes strengtlie is now so great gathred 
together and redy to invade ;—but yf your Majestie will geve present order 
for our proceeding to the sea, and send to the strengthning of this fleett here, 
fower more of your Majestie’s good shippes, and those 16 saill of shipes 
with their penaces which ar preparing in London, then shall your Majestie 
stand assured, with God’s assistance, that yf the flett come out of Lysborne 
as long as we have vittuall to leve withall, uppon that cost, they shall be 
fowght with, and I hope, throwghe the goodnes of our mercyfull God, in 
suche sort as shall hynder his qwyett passage into Yngland, for I assure your 
Majestie, I have not in my lyffe time knowen better men and possessed with 
gallanter mynds then your Majestie’s people are for the most parte, which 
are here gathred together, vollontaryllye to put ther hands and hartts to the 
fynyshing of this great piece of work, wherein we ar all perswaded that 
God, the gever of all victoryes, will in mercye lowke uppon your most ex¬ 
cellent Majestie, and us your power subjects, who for the defence of your 
Majestie, our relygyon, and natyve country, have resolutly vowed the hassard 
of our lyves. 

The advantage of tyme and place in all marciall accyons is half a victory, 
which being lost is irrecoverable, wherefore, if your Majestie will comaund 
me away with those shipes which ar here alredye, and the rest to follow 
with all possible expedycyon, I hold it in my power opynyon the surest and 
best cowrse, and that they bring with them vittualls suffycyent for them¬ 
selves and us, to the intent the service be not utterly lost for want thereof: 
Whereof I most humbly beseche your most excellent Majestie to have such 
consideracyon as the wayghtenes of the cawse reqwyrethe. For an Ynglysh- 
man being farre from his country and seing a present wante of vittuall to 
insue, and perseaving no beneffytt to be lowked for, but only blowes, will 
hardlye be browght to staye. 

I have order but for tow monthes vittualles begynning the 24th of Aprell, 
whereof one wholl monthe may be spent before we com there, the other 
monthes vittuall will be thowght, with the least to bring us back agayne; 
here may the wholl service and honour be lost for the sparing of a fewe 
crownes. 

Towching my power opynyon how strong your Majesties fleet should be 
to encounter this great force of the enemey, God encreac your most excellent 
Majestie’s forces, both by sea and land, dayly: for this I surly thincke ther 
was never any force so stronge as ther is now redye or makynge readye 
agaynst your Majestye and trewe relygyon, but that the Lord of all strengthes 
is stronger and will defend the trewth of his word, for his owne name’s sake, 
unto the which God be all glory geven. Thus all humble duty, I conty- 
newally will pray to the Allmyghtye to blesse and give you victorye over 
all his, and your enemeyes. From Plymothe this 13 of Aprell 1588. 

Your Majesties most loyall 

To the Queene’s Fra: Drake.”* 

Moste excellente Majestie. 


* MS. State Paper Office. 







124 


THE SPANISH ARMADA, 


[chap. VIII. 


In another letter, of the 28th of April, Sir Francis acquaints 
her Majesty with the intelligence he had gained, that the mer¬ 
chant ships of foreign nations had been detained in the several 
ports of Spain, and had been embargoed : he mentions also the 
reports he had received of the great preparations of the enemy; 
that he considers the embargo as a token of their intention of 
coming out; and suggests that her forces should go out and 
meet them at a distance from England : after this the letter thus 
proceeds:— 

That if a goode peace for your Majestie be not forthwith concluded (-which 
I as moche as anie man desirethe) then theise greate preparacions of the 
Spayneyerde maie be speedelie prevented as moche as in your Majestie 
liethe, by sendinge your forces to encounter them somewhat farre of, and 
more neere their owne coaste, which will be the better cheape for your 
Majestie and people, and muche the deerer for the enemye. 

Thus muche (as duetie byndethe me) I have thought goode to signifie 
unto your Majestie, for that it importethe but the hazerde or losse of all: 
The promise of peace from the Prince of Parma and these mightie prepara¬ 
cions in Spaigne agree not well together: Undoubtedlie I thincke theise 
advertisements true; ffor that I cannot heare by anye man of warre, or other¬ 
wise, that anie sliippe is permytted to departe Spaigne, which is a vehemente 
presumpcion that they holde their purposed pretences: And for farther testy- 
monie of theise reports I have sente this bearer, a Captaine of one of your 
Majestie’s shippes, who (if it shall please your Highnes to permytte him) 
can deliver some tliinges toucliinge the same. 

Thus restinge allwaies most bounden unto your Majestie for your gracious 
and favourable speeches used of me, both to Mr. Secretarie and others (which 
I desier God no longer to lette me live then I will be readye to doe your 
Majestie all the duetifull service I possiblie maie), I will contynewallie praye 
to God to blesse your Majestie with all happie victories. 

From Plymouthe this 28 th of Aprill, 1588 . 

Your Majestie’s most loiall, 

Fra: Drake. 

On the 23rd of May, the Lord High Admiral announced to 
the government his arrival at Plymouth. He says that Drake 
had come out to meet him with sixty sail of ships very well 
appointed; he states, also, his intention to proceed to sea, and 
stand off and on, between the coasts of England and Spain, to 
watch the coming of the Spanish forces. 

Accordingly, the Lord High Admiral, with the western 
squadron, put to sea, and proceeded within a short distance of 
the coast of Spain, when a strong southerly wind drove them 




CHAP. VIII.] 


CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 


125 


back to Plymouth. Here lie found a letter waiting for him, dated 
the 9th of June, from Sir Francis Walsingham, written by com¬ 
mand of the Queen, signifying her Majesty’s pleasure, that he 
should not go so far from the English coast; and assigning, as 
the reason for this order, the importance of not leaving the 
shores of England unprotected. Lord Howard, in his reply, 
dated the 15th, says, 

“ It was deeply debated by those whom the world doth judge to be men 
of the greatest experience, that this realme hath, which are these: Sir 
Francis Drake, Mr. Hawkins, Mr. Frobisher, and Mr. Thomas Fenner; and 
I hope Her Majesty will not thinke we went so raslilie to worke, or without 
a principal, or choice care and respect of the safetie of this realme. And if 
we found they did but linger on their own coast, or put into the isles of 
Bayonne or the Groyne, then we thought, in all men’s judgments that be of 
experience here, it had bin most fit to have sought some good waie : and the 
surest we could devise (by the good protection of God) to have defeated 
them.” 

And he further gives her Majesty to understand, that if the 
fleet are to stand off and on betwixt England and Spain, the 
south-west wind, which might carry the Spaniards to Scotland 
or Ireland, would throw him to leeward ; that on the contrary, 
if his fleet was high up in the Channel, the Spaniards might 
succeed in reaching the Isle of Wight. 

On the 23rd of June he addressed another letter to Sir Francis 
Walsingham :— 

Sir, 

This Sonday about 7 of the cloke at nyght I recevid your letter of the 
22 of this present, and the advertysments with them, wyche I dow most 
hartely thank you for: but I parceave by your letter there shuld another 
letter come from my Lordse to Mr. Dorell, and also a warante that the 
poursyfant should brynge, wyche shuld be open for me, but he nether browght 
the Lordse letter nor any suche warrant. Sir. I pray you pardon me that I 
dow not send yow the namse of the townse devyded, suche as be wyllyng, 
and suche as be not. Sir F. Drake hathe the newse of them, now at this 
ower is full ocupyed, as I am also. Our watche charne to us this last nyght 
about 12 of the cloke, and we wyll not ete nor slype till it be abourd us. We 
must not lose an ower of tyme. You shall see by a letter that I have sent 
Heer Majestie what advertysment I have. I meen to way presently and set 
sayle: this foull wether that was on Thursday, that forsed us in surty, dis- 
parsed the Spanyshe fiyt: it shall goo hard but I wyll fynd them out. Let 
Heer Majestie trust no mor to Judises kyses; for let heer asure heerself ther 
is no trust to F. K. (French king) nor Duke of Parme. Let heer defend 





126 


THE SPANISH AllMADA, 


[chap. VIII. 


heerself lyke a noble and rnightie Prynce: and trust to heer sworde and not 
to ther word, and then she ned not to feer, for heer good God wyll defend 
her. 

Sir, I have a pryvy intelligence, by a sure fello, that the flyt of Spayne 
dowthe meen to come to the cost of France, and ther to receve in the Duke of 
Guyse, and great forses: and it is very lykly to be trew. I meen, God 
wyllyng, to vyset the cost of France, and to send in small penyses to discover 
all the cost alongst. 

If I heer of them, I hope, ar it be long after, you shall heer newse. God 
Mr. Secretary, let the narro sees be well strantened (strengthened). What 
charge is ill spent now for service ? Let the Hoyse of Harwyge (Harwich) 
goo with all speed agayne to my Lord H. Semor, for they be of great 
sarvyse. 

Sir, for these thyngs here I pray take order with Mr. Dorell, for I have 
no lesur to thynk of them. I pray you, Sir, delyver my letter unto Heel 
Majestie with my humble duty, and so in hast I bid you farewell. 

Abourd the Arke, this Sonday, at 12 of the cloke at nyght. 

Your assured lovying frend, 

C. Howap.h.” 

(No date, but supposed June 23rd, 1588.) 

Sir. God wyllyng, I wyll com sayll within this three hoiiers. 

To my very lovyng frend, 

Mr. Secretary Walsyngham. 


* MS. State Paper Ollice. 





CHAP. IX.] 


CAT.LED THE INVINCIBLE. 


127 


CHAPTER IX. 

THE SPANISH ARMADA, CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 

1588. 

The Armada in the Channel—Anecdote of Drake—First attack—Spanish 
MS. Journal—Daily proceedings of the two fleets—The Armada is dis¬ 
persed by fire-ships—Driven into the North Sea—Its disastrous condition 
—Letters from the Lord High Admiral, Sir Francis Drake, and Lord 
Henry Seymour. 

The day now approached when the great contest was to be 
decided between two of the most powerful fleets that had 
hitherto ever met in hostile array. On the 19th day of July, 
the Lord High Admiral received certain information from one 
Fleming, the master of a pinnace, that the Spanish fleet was 
in the Channel, near the Lizard Point; and great exertions were 
made to tow the British fleet out of Plymouth Harbour, al¬ 
though the wind was blowing in stiffly; but the alacrity and 
energy of the men and officers, encouraged by the Admiral in 
person, overcame all difficulties. 

[It is reported, that when the news reached the British Navy 
oithe sudden appearance of the Armada off the Lizard, the 
principal commanders were on shore at Plymouth playing bowls, 
on the Hoe: and it is added that Drake insisted on the match 
being played out, saying, that “ There would be plenty of time 
to win the game, and beat the Spaniards too.” r 

On the following day, the 20th, the Spanish-fleet were disco¬ 
vered with their lofty turrets, like so many floating castles; 
their line extending its wings about seven miles, in the shape 
of a half-moon, proceeding very slowly, though with full sail; 
“ The winds,” says Camden, u being as it were tired with carry¬ 
ing them, and the ocean seeming to groan under the weight of 
their heavy burdens.” 

On the 21st of July, the Lord High Admiral, on their pass- 
* Tytier’s Raleigh, Edin. edit., 1835. 




128 


THE SPANISH ARMADA, 


[CIIAP. I*. 


ing, sent out his pinnace, named the Disdain, in advance, and 
challenged the Duke of Sidonia to give the defiance, by firing 
off her ordnance, as a declaration of war, upon which being 
done, his own flag-ship, the Ark Royal, “ thundered thick and 
furiously” upon a large ship which he thought to be the Spanish 
Admiral, but which was that of Alphonso de Leyva. At the 
same time Drake, Hawkins, and Frobisher played stoutly upon 
the rear division of the fleet, commanded by General Juan de 
Recalde; whose ship and others, being much shattered, made 
shift to get away to the main body, under the Duke of Medina 
Sidonia. 

A manuscript account of the Spanish Armada was sent, from 
the archives of Madrid, to a gentleman in the Admiralty, after 
the conclusion of the revolutionary war. It is entitled ‘ A Nar¬ 
rative of the Voyages of the Royal Armada, from the Port of 
Corunna, under the command of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, 
with an account of the events which took place during the said 
Voyage.’ It is written in Spanish, and is evidently a journal 
kept by an officer of the Duke of Medina’s flag-ship. It is 
temperately and modestly written, and many of the facts stated 
in the following pages have been taken from it. This narrative 
says that the ship of Alphonso de Leyva was disabled, her rig¬ 
ging cut up, and two shot lodging in her foremast: that the 
flag-ship took in her sails, and waited to receive her into the 
line ; that the Duke now collected his scattered fleet, not being' 
able to do more on this occasion, as the enemy had gained the 
wind. The English vessels, the author adds, were well fought, 
and under such good management, that they did with them 
what they pleased. / The fight having continued two hours, and 
forty sail of the English fleet, those which had last come out 
of the harbour, not having yet joined, the Admiral deemed it 
expedient not to press the enemy further this day. 

The following letter from Lord Charles Howard describes the 
fight very briefly ; it is 

Lord C. Howard to Sir F. Walsjngham. 

^ IR ’ 21st July, 1588. 

I will not trouble you with anie longe letter. We are at this present 
otherwise occupied then with writinge. Uppon Fridaie at Plymouthe I re- 



CHAP. IX.J 


CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 


129 


ceaved intelligence that there were a greate number of ships descried of the 
Lisarde. Wheruppon, althoughe the winde was very skaute, we firste warped 
out of harbour that nyghte, and uppon Saterdaie turned out verie hardly, the 
wind beinge at southe weste, and aboute 3 of the clock in the afternone 

descried the Spanishe fleete, and [-] did what we could to worke for 

the wind, which [-] morninge we had recovered discryinge theire 

[-] consiste of 120 saile : Whereof there are 4 g[-] and many 

ships of greate burthen. At nine of the [-] we gave them feighte, which 

contynewed untill (_-] feighte. We made som of them to bcare 

roome to stop their leaks. Notwithstandinge we durste not adventure to put 
in amongste them, theire fleete being soe stronge. But there shall nothinge 
be eatlier neglected or unhasarded that may worke theire overthrowe. 

Sir, the Captaines in her Majestic’s ships have behaved themselves moste 
bravely and like men hitherto, and I doubte not will contynewe to their greate 
commendacion. And soe recomendiuge oure good successe to your godlie 
praiers, I bid you hartelie farewell. From aboard the Arke, thwarte of Ply- 
mouthe ; the 21 of Julie 1588. 

Youre verie lovinge freind, 

C. Howard.* 

(Postscript.) Sir, the sowtherly wynde that browght us bak from the cost 
of Spayne browght them out, God blessed us with tornynge us bak. Sir, for 
the love of God and our country, let us have with sume sped some graet 
shote sent us of all bignes, for this sarvis wyll contenew long, and sume 
powder with it. 

The Righte Honorable 
my verie lovinge friende, 

Sir Francis Walsingham, knight.* 

Sir Francis Drake to Lord Henry Seymour. 

Right Honorable and my verie good Lord, 

I am commaunded by my good Lord, the Lord Admiral, to send you 
the Carvaile in haste with this letter, geivinge your Lordship to understand 
that the armye of Spaigne arrived uppon our coaste the 20th of this presente, 
the 21th we had them in chase; and so cominge upp unto them there hath 
passed some comen shotte betweene some of our fleete and some of theirs; 
and as farre as we perceive they are determined to sell their lives with blowes. 
Whereuppon his Lordship hath commaunded me to write unto your Lordship 
and Sir William Wynter, that those shippes servinge under your charge 
should be putte into the best and strongest manner you maie, and readie to 
assiste his Lordship for the better incountering of them in those parts where 
you nowe are. In the meane tyme what his Lordship and the rest here 
following him maie doe, shall be suerelie performede. His Lordship hathe 


* MS. State Paper Office. Many of the letters of Lord Howard and Sir 
Francis Drake are so tattered, and the writing so obliterated and in parts so 
illegible, that it is impossible to follow the meaning. 

K 













130 


THE SPANISH ARMADA, 


["chap. IX. 


comaunded me to write his hartie commendacions to your Lordship and Sir 
William Wynter. I doe salute your Lordship, Sir William Wynter, Sir 
Henry Pallmer, and all the rest of those honorable gentlemen serving under 
you with the like. Beseeching God of his mercie to geive her Majestie our 
gratious Soveraigne alwaies vietorie against her enemyes. Written abord 
her Majesties good shipp the Revenge of Steart, this 21th (July), late in the 
evening, 1588. Your good Lordship’s 

poore freend readie to be comaunded, 

(Signed) Fra : Drake. 

This letter, my honorable good Lord, is sent in haste; the ffleete of 
Spanyards is somewhat about a hundredth sailes; many great shipes, but 
trewly I thinck not half of them of warre, haste, your Lordship’s assured, 

Fra. Drake. 

To the Right Honorable 

the Lord Henry Seymour, 

Admirall of her Majesties Navie in the narrowe 

Seas, or, in absence, to Sir William Wynter, knyght, 
geive theise with speed—hast, hast, hast.* 

In the evening of this day a large ship of Biscay, bearing the 
flag of Oquendo, and having the King’s Treasurer on board, 
was set on fire; designedly, as was supposed, by a Dutch gunner, 
who had received some ill-treatment, and who employed gun¬ 
powder for the purpose. The flame was, however, happily 
extinguished by some vessels which came to her relief; but not 
before the two decks and the poop blew up. In the Spanish 
narrative already referred to, no mention is made of the Dutch 
gunner. 

Another accident happened this evening. There was a large 
galleon, commanded by Don Pedro de Valdez, which in tacking 
fell foul of another, sprung her fore-mast, and was left behind ; 
the night being dark, and the sea running high, no succour 
could be afforded her. Diego de Florez represented to the duke 
the danger of lying to for this ship ; that if he did so, as the 
main body of the Armada was getting much a-head, he would 
find himself in the morning with only half his ships ; and that, 
the enemy being so near at hand, the safety of the whole fleet 
ought not to be hazarded for a single vessel; in short, that, by 
doing so, the object of the expedition would be sacrificed. 

“ The next day following,” says Speed, “ Sir Francis Drake, espying this 


* MS. State Paper Office. 





CHAP. IX.] 


CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 


131 


lagging gallon, sent forth a pinnace to command them to yield, otherwise 
his bullets should force them without further favour; but Valdez, to seeme 
valorous, answered, that they were foure hundred and fifty strong; that him¬ 
self was Don Pedro, and stood on his honour, and thereupon propounded 
certain conditions. But the Knight sent his reply, that he had not leizure to 
parley ; if he would yield, presently doe it; if not, he should well prove that 
Drake was no dastard; whereupon Pedro, hearing that it was the fieri) 
Drake (ever terrible to the Spaniards) who had him in chase, with 40 of his 
followers, came on board Sir Francis his ship; where, first giving him the 
conge', he protested that he, and all his, were resolved to die in defence, had 
they not falne under his power, whose valour and felicity was so great that 
Mars and Neptune seemed to attend him in his attempts, and whose gene¬ 
rous minde towards the vanquished had often been experienced, even of his 
greatest foes. Sir Francis, requiting his Spanish compliments with honour¬ 
able. English courtesies, placed him at his owne table, and lodged him in his 
owne cabbin. The residue of that company were sent into Plymouth, where 
they remained eighteene months ’til their ransoms were paid; but Sir 
Francis his souldiers had well paid themselves with the spoile of the sliippe, 
wherein were fifty-five thousand ducats in gold, which they shared merrily 
among them.” 

This ship was sent into Dartmouth. 

On the 22nd of July there was no fighting. In the course of 
the day the duke formed the Armada into two divisions, he 
taking the van, and Don Alonzo de Leyva the rear. 

“ The Duke,” says the Spanish narrative, “ summoned to him all the 
Sajgenlos Maijores, and ordered them to proceed in a patache, so that each 
ship should keep the position assigned to her in the new order of sailing; 
and he further gave them written orders, directing, that in case any ship did 
not observe the order, and quitted her post, the captain should forthwith be 
hanged, the Sargentos Mayores taking the provosts with them for that pur¬ 
pose ; and for the better execution of the order, they were distributed, three 
in the van and three in the rear division. On the same day the captain of 
the flag-ship of Oquendo reported to the Duke that she was sinking, on 
which he ordered that the crew and the Treasurer’s money should be taken 
out of her, and the ship sunk.” 

The crew and the treasure were accordingly remoyed into 
other vessels; but the ship, instead of being sunk, was turned 
adrift, and was soon afterwards boarded by Lord Thomas 
IIow r ard and Captain Hawkins, who found her decks fallen in, 
her steerage ruined, the stern blowm out, and about fifty poor 
wretches burnt in a most miserable manner. The Admiral 
ordered a small bark to take possession of her, and in that shat¬ 
tered condition she was carried into Weymouth. 

k 2 




132 


[CHAl\ IX. 


THE SPANISH ARMADA, 


On the 23rd of July there was what may be termed a second 
fight; brought on by both the fleets endeavouring to obtain the 
weather-gage, in the course of which there was no little confu¬ 
sion ; caused in a great degree by the large number of merchant 
ships in the English fleet. Some of the London ships, being 
surrounded by Spaniards, were rescued by a brave attack of a 
few of her Majesty’s ships ; while the Spaniards boldly rein¬ 
forced the squadron of Recalde, which was suffering much by a 
spirited attack of the English rear division. After this a run¬ 
ning fight took place, the two Admirals crossing each other, and 
each sustaining the fire of his opponent. 

According to the Spanish £ Narrative/ all the galleons and 
galleasses were engaged this day. u The English,” says the 
writer, “ came united against the duke’s flag-ship, whilst she 
was advancing to the assistance of Recalde and He Leyva ; and 
each ship of the English fleet as she passed gave her fire to the 
Spanish flag-ship, till at length four or five of their largest ships 
came to her support.” Pie says that frequent attempts were 
made to board our ships, but they were so light and well ma¬ 
naged that there was little hope of succeeding. 

“ The great guns,” says Camden, “ rattled like so many peals of thunder; 
but the shot from the high-built Spanish ships flew for the most part over the 
heads of the English without doing any execution, owing to their high fore¬ 
castles, and their inability to depress their guns. One Mr. Cook (or Cope) 
was the only Englishman that died bravely in the midst of his enemies, com¬ 
manding his own ship. The reason was, that the English ships were moved 
and managed with such agility, giving their broadsides to the larger and 
more unwieldy of the enemy, and sheering off again just as they pleased, 
while the Spanish heavy ships lay as so many butts for the English to 
fire at.” 

It was suggested to the Lord High Admiral, with more zeal 
than discretion, that the English ships should board the Spa¬ 
niards ; which would have been a most ruinous proceeding, con¬ 
sidering the size of their ships, the great advantage of their high 
forecastles and poops, the number of troops each had on board, 
and that their ships of war were four to one of ours. He, very 
prudently, acted more on the defensive ; and refrained from 
attempting to obtain decisive results at the risk of ruining the 
only fleet that England possessed; knowing that if, by any 
imprudent step, that fleet should be destroyed, the great object 




CIIAP. IX.] 


CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 


133 

of the enemy would be gained, and her army landed on the 
British shores. It was, therefore, his policy to keep his ships as 
much as possible between those of the enemy and the shore. 

On the 24th there was a cessation on both sides; and the Lord 
High Admiral took the opportunity of dividing his fleet into four 
squadrons : the first under himself; the second under Sir Francis 
Drake; the third under Hawkins; and the fourth under Fro¬ 
bisher. He also sent some of the smaller vessels to the neiffh- 

O 

bouring ports for a supply of powder and ammunition. 

On the 25th a galleon of Portugal, the St. Anne, not being 
able to keep up with the fleet, was taken by some of the Eng¬ 
lish ships. Don Alonzo de Leyva, with Don Diego Felles 
Enriques, attempted to rescue her with three galleasses ; but 
were warmly received by the Lord Admiral himself, and the 
Lord Thomas Howard in the Golden Lion, who, there being no 
wind, had their ships towed by boats; and succeeded, after much 
labour and considerable loss, in carrying off the galleon. From 
this time none of the galleasses ever ventured to contend with 
the English ships of war. 

The Lord Admiral, with some other ships, made an attack 
upon the Spanish Admiral’s ship, cut the rigging of her main¬ 
mast, and killed several of her men. But five or six of the 
larger Spanish ships coming up to her rescue, and a great por¬ 
tion of their fleet advancing, the Lord Admiral desisted. 

The ‘Narrative’ states, that the English flag-ship was so 
much damaged and in such danger that she was towed off by 
eleven launches; that she struck her standard, and fired guns as 
signals of distress ; that on seeing this, the Spanish Admiral and 
a great part of the fleet made towards her; but the English, 
also standing towards their Admiral for his support, and the 
wind springing up, the launches were cut off, and the Spaniards 
gave up the attempt. The writer adds : “We made certain this 
day of being able to board the English ships, which was the 
only means of obtaining any decisive advantage.” On this day 
the duke dispatched an officer to Dunkirk, being the third he had 
sent to apprise the Duke of Parma of their position off the Isle 
of Wiodit, and to urgo his immediate coming out, and also his 
sending some shot for four, six, and ten-pounders, of which 
much had been expended in the late engagements. The duke 






104 


TIIE SPANISH ARMADA, 


[chap. IX. 


was likewise informed how important it was that he should join 
the Armada the day of its appearing- in sight of Dunkirk. In 
the evening of this day a breeze sprang up, and the Armada 
directed its course for Calais. 

On the 26th of July it was calm, and the fleets were in sight 
of each other. The duke repeated by another messenger to the 
Duke of Parma his urgent desire that he would send forty small 
vessels, to be employed against the enemy; acquainting him that 
“ the heaviness of his ships, compared to the lightness of the 
English, rendered it impossible for him in any manner to bring 
them to close action.” The Lord High Admiral this day 
bestowed the honour of knighthood on Lord Thomas Howard, 
Lord Sheffield, Roger Townsend, Captain John Hawkins, and 
Captain Martin Frobisher, in consideration of their gallant beha¬ 
viour. And it was decided, in Council, that no further attempt 
should be made on the enemy, until they came into the Straits 
of Calais, where Lord Henry Seymour and Sir William Winter 
would reinforce the fleet. The following day (27th), in the 
afternoon, the Armada anchored off Calais, by the advice of 
the pilots, lest they should be carried away by the current into 
the North Sea; and an officer was again sent off to the Duke of 
Parma, urging him to join them there, and stating at the same 
time the impossibility of their remaining long in that position 
without much risk to the whole Armada. 

Early on the morning of the 28th, says the Spanish ‘ Narra¬ 
tive,’ Captain Don Rodrigo Fello arrived from Dunkirk: and 
reported to the Spanish Admiral that the Duke of Parma was at 
Bruges, where he had waited upon him; and that although his 
Grace had expressed much satisfaction at hearing of the arrival 
of the Armada, yet he was taking no steps to embark the troops 
or stores. 

This day the Lord Admiral was joined by Lord Henry Sey¬ 
mour ; and now he had a hundred and forty sail, all stout ships, 
and good sailors. They anchored not far from the Spanish fleet; 
and at night the Lord Admiral (as is said by the Queen’s especial 
command) singled out eight of his worst ships, charged them 
with pitch, tar, resin, and other combustibles, and loaded all their 
guns with bullets, chain-shot, and other destructive materials ; 
and thus equipped sent them before the wind and with the tide, a 




CHAP. IX.] 


CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 


135 


little after midnight, into the midst of the Spanish fleet. Their 
approach was no sooner discovered, than their prodigious blaze 
threw the whole fleet into consternation : anchors were got up 
and cables were cut amidst the greatest confusion. A large 
galleasse, having lost her rudder, was tossed about for some time, 
and finally driven on the sands near Calais; here she was 
attacked by the Admiral’s long-boat and some others; the Spa¬ 
nish captain was killed by a shot in the head ; and the soldiers 
and rowers, to the number of 400, were either drowned or put to 
the sword. The ship and guns, after the English had set free 
300 galley-slaves, who were on board, and taken out 50,000 
ducats of gold, fell as a wreck to M. Gourdon, governor of 
Calais. 


Sir Francis Drake to Sir Francis Walsingham. 

Right Honorable, 29 July, 1588. 

This bearer cam a bourd the ship I was in, in a wonderffull good tyme, 
and browght with hym as good knowlege as we could wyshe: his carflull- 
ness therin is worthye recoinpence, for that God hatlie geven us so good a 
daye in forcyng the enemey so far to leeward, as I hope in God the prince of 
Parma and the Duke of Sedonya shall not shake hands this ffewe dayes. 
And whensoever they shall meett, I beleve nether of them will greatly 
reioyce of this dayes Servis. The towne of Callys hathe seene some parte 
therof, whose mayer her Majestie is beholding unto : Busynes comands me 
to end. God bless her Majestie our Gracyous Soveraygne and geve us all 
grace to leve in his feare. I assure your Honor this dayes servis hath much 
apald the enemey, and no dowbt but incouraged our armey. From a bourd 
her Majestie’s good ship the Revenge, this 29th July 1588. 

Your Honor’s most redy to be comanded, 

Fra: Drake. 

Ther must be great care taken to send us monycyon and Vittuall whether 
soever the enemey goeth. 

To the Righte Honorable 

Sir Francis Walsingham, 

knighte. 

Haste, haste, poste haste for Her Majesties service.* 

It is stated in the Spanish ‘ Narrative ’ that the Duke of Sidonia 
had his suspicions as to the intention of the English to employ 
fire-ships ; that he had enjoined the strictest vigilance ; and that, 
when the fire-ships approached, he gave orders for weighing 
anchor; and also that, after they had passed, he lost no time in 

* MS. State Paper Office. 



133 


THE SPANISH ARMADA, 


[chap. IX. 


directing his ships to resume their stations. But all was in vain : 
the Spaniards were panic-stricken, their ships were dispersed, and 
several got among the shoals on the coast of Flanders. In short, 
it now became clear that the game was up; their retreating fleet 
was closely pursued, many of their galleons and other large ships 
attacked, taken or sunk, and the whole fleet in the greatest dis- 
Iress. One of the heaviest blows they received was the defection 
of the Prince of Parma. 

On the 29th there was much fighting on the Flemish coast: 
several of the Spanish ships, three of which were of the largest 
size, are stated in the Spanish ‘ Narrative ’ to have become,unser¬ 
viceable, most of their crews being killed or wounded. In the 
midst of this distressing situation, in which it appears that many 
of the Spaniards behaved most nobly, the Duke of Sidonia was 
desirous of turning the whole of the remaining strength of the 
Armada against the English, in order still to maintain his posi¬ 
tion in the Channel; but the pilots declared it to be impossible 
to work the ships against the wind and tide, and that the Armada 
must proceed into the North Sea, or it would be driven on the 
shoals. To quit the Channel now became absolutely necessary ; 
for almost all the Spanish ships, even those which could most be 
relied upon, were in a very bad condition; and partly from 
the effects of the late actions, partly from the want of shot, were 
in no state to resist the English. 

On the 30th the Lord High Admiral was still in pursuit of 
the flying Armada; but perceiving the ships drifting toward the 
shoals of Zealand, he did not deem it necessary to press them ; 
but left the elements to complete the work of destruction. 

“ At this time,” says the Spanish narrative, “ the pilots on board the flag¬ 
ship, who were best acquainted with the coast, declared to the Duke that it 
was impossible to save a single vessel of the whole Armada; but that with 
the north-west wind, then blowing, the whole must inevitably go upon the 
shoals on the coast of Zealaud; and that God only could prevent it. In this 
hopeless situation, without any human means to escape, and when the Ar¬ 
mada was only in six fathoms and a half, it pleased God to change the wind 
to west-south-west, and the Armada was enabled to make way to the north¬ 
ward, without the loss of a ship. In this miserable situation, the Duke 
called a council of the Admirals and superior officers, and put to them the 
question, Whether it were most expedient to go back into the English 
Channel, or to return by the North Sea to Spain, since there were no advices 
from the Duke of Parma of his being able shortly to come out. All the 



CHAP. IX.] 


CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 


137 


members agreed that they ought to go back into the Channel, if the weather 
allowed them to do so; but if not, that, then yielding to the weather, they 
should return by the North Sea to Spain; considering that the Armada was 
in want of all the most necessary articles, and that those ships, which had 
hitherto withstood the enemy, were now disabled.” 

On the 31st the Armada continued its course with the wind 
fresh from the south-west, and much sea; the English fleet 
following it. 

Sir Francis Drake to Lord Walsingham. 

Most Honorable, 31st July, 1588. 

I am comaunded to send these presoners ashore by my Lord Admerall, 
which had, ere this,, byne long done, but that I thowght ther being here 
mvght have done something, which is not thowght meet now. 

Lett me beseche your Honor that they may be presented unto her Ma- 
jestie, either by your honor, or my honorable good Lord, my Lord Chan¬ 
cellor, or both of you. The one, Don Pedro, is a man of great estymacyon 
with the King of Spayne, and thowght next in this armye to the Duke of 
Sedonya. If they shoulde be geven from me unto any other, it would be 
som gref to my friends. Yf her Majestie will have them, God defend but I 
shoulde thinck it happye. 

We have the armey of Spayne before us, and mynd with the Grace of God 
to wressell a poull with him. 

Ther was never any thing pleased me better than the seeing the enemey 
flying with a Sotherly wynd to the Northwards. God grant you have a 
good eye to the Duke of Parma, for with the Grace of God, yf we live, I 
dowbt it not, but ere it be long so to liandell the matter with the Duke of 
Sedonya, as he shall wash hymselff at Saint Marie Port among his orynge 
trees. 

God gyve us grace to depend upon him, so shall we not dowbt victory; 
for our cawse is good. 

Humbly taking my leave, this last of July, 1588. 

Your Honor’s faythfully 

to be commanded ever, 

Fra: Drake. 

To the Most Hon. 

Sir Fras. Walsingham, knight, &c. 

P.S. I crave pardon of your Honor for my haste, for that I had to watch 
this last nyght uppon the enemey. 

Your’s ever, 

Fra: Drake. 

To the Most Honorable 

Sir Fras. Walsingham. 

With speed.— 


* 


MS., State Paper Office. 




133 


TIIE SPANISH ARMADA, 


[chap. IX. 


The following- is an extract from a letter addressed by Lord 
Henry Seymour to the Queen : — 

1st August, 1588. 

The 29th of the sayd month, being resolved, the day before, my Lord 
Admiral should gyve the first charge, Sir Francis Drake the next, and my¬ 
self the third, yt fell out, that the galliass distressed altered my Lord’s former 
determination, as I suppose, by pi’osecuting the destruction of her, which was 
done within one ower after. 

In the meane time, Sir Francis Drake gave the first charge uppon the 
Spanish Admiral, being accompaned with the Triumph, the Victory, and 
others. 

Myself, with the Vanguard, the Antelop, and others, charged upon sayle 
being somewhat broken and distressed; 3 of their great shipps, among which 
my ship shot one of them through 6 times, being within less than musket 
shot. After the long fight, which continued almost 6 owers, and ended, 
between 4 and 5, in the afternoon, until Tuesday, at 7 in the evening, we 
continued by them; and your Ma ty ’’ fleet followed the Spaniards along the 
Channel, until we came athwart the Brill, where I was commanded by my 
Lord Admiral, with your Majesties fleete under my charge, to return back, 
for the defense of your Majestys coasts, if anything be attempted by the Duke 
of Parma; and therein have obeyed his Lordship, much against my will, 
expecting your Majestys further pleasure.* 

“ On the morning of the 2nd August,” says the ‘ Spanish Narrative/ “the 
English fleet still followed the Armada, but then they turned towards the 
coast of England, and we lost sight of them, and we continued our course 
until we got through the Channel of the Sea of Norway; not being possible 
to return to the English Channel, though it has been our desire to do so to 
the present day, the 20th August, on which day, having doubled the Islands 
of Scotland, we are steering for Spain with the wind east-north-east.” 

And with this passage the Spanish Diary ends. 

The following letters are copied from the MSS. in the State 
Paper Office. 

Lord C. Howard to Sir F. Walsingham. 

Sir, August 7th, 1588. 

In our laste feighte with the enemye, before Gravelinge, the 29th of 
Julie, we sonke three of their ships, and made some to go neare with the 
shore, soe leake, as they were not able to live at sea. After that feighte, 
notwithstanding that our powder and shot was wel neare all spente, we set on 
a brag countenance and gave them chase, as though we had wanted nothinge, 
untill we had cleared our owne coaste, and som parte of Scotland of them; 
and then, as well to refreshe our ships with victuals whereof moste stoode in 
wonderful neede, as alsoe in respecte of our want of powder and shot, we 


* MS. State Paper Office. 




CHAP. IX.] 


CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 


139 


made for the Frith, and sente certaine pinesses to dog the fleete untill they 
sholde be paste the Isles of Scotlande which I verelie beleave, they are loste 
at theire stearnes, or this. We are perswaded that they eather are paste 
aboute Irelande, and so dooe what they can to recover theire owne coaste, 
oneless that they are gon for some parte of Denmarke. I have herewith 
sent unto you a breife abstracte of such accidents as have happened, which 
hereafter at better leisure I will explaine by more particular relations. In 
the meane tyrne I bid you hartelie farrewell. 

From aboarde the Ark, the 7th of Auguste, 1588. 

Your verie lovinge friende 

C. Howard. 

The Right Honorable 

Sir Fra. Walsingham, knight. 

Good Mr. Secretaire, lett not Her Majestie be too haste in desolvying her 
forses by sea and land : and I pray you send me with speed what advertyse- 
ments you have of Dunkerk, for I long to dow some exployt on their shipp- 
inge. If the Dukes forses be retyred into the land I dowt not but to dow 
good.—I must thank your favourable yousing of my brother Hoby. He 
telleth me how forwarde you weer to forder all thyngs for our wants. I 
wold some weer of your mynde: If we had had that wych had been soe, 
England and her Majestie had had the gretest honor that ever any nasion 
had: but God be thanked it is well. 

Sir Francis Drake to the Queen. 

8th August, 1588. 

The absence of my Lord Admirall, most gratious Soveraigne, hath 
emboldened me to putt my penne to the paper. On Fridaye last, uppon good 
consideracion, we lefte the army of Spaigne so farre to the northewarde, as 
they could neither recover England nr Scotlande; and within three daies 
after we were entertayned with a greate storme, considering the tyme of the 
yere; the which storme, in manye of our judgements, hath not a litle an¬ 
noyed the enemie’s armye. 

If the wind hinder it not, I thinck they are forced to Denmark ; and that 
for divers causes; certaine it is that manie of theire people were sicke, and 
not a fewe killed; ther shippes, sailes, ropes, and wasts, needeth greate 
reperations, for that they had all felte of your Majesties force. 

If your Majestie thoughte it meete, it were [-] amisse you 

sent presentlie to Denmark to understand the truth, and to deall with their 
king according to your Majesties great wisdome. 

I have not written this whereby your Majestie should deminish any of 
your forces. Your Highnes’ enemies are manie; yeat God hath, and will 
heare your Majestie’s praier, putting your hand to the plough, for the 
defence of his truth, as youre Majestie hath begunne. God for his Christ’s 
sak, blesse your sacred Majestie, now and ever. 

Written aboard your Majestie’s verie good shipp the Reveng, this 8th 
August, 1588. 

Your Majestie’s faithfullest vassall, 

Fra. Drake. 






140 


THE SPANISH ARMADA, 


[ CHAP. IX. 


Sir Francis Drake to Sir Francis Walsingham. 

Most Honorable, 10th August, 1588. 

The armye of Spaigne I thincke certainlye to be put either into Nor- 
waye or Denmarke; ther are dyvers causes which moveth me so to thincke. 
The firste we understood by dyvers prisoners which we have taken, that 
jenerallye throwgh all ther hoole fleet ther was no on shipp free of sycke 
people. Secoundlie, their sliipps, masts, sayles, and ropes were verye much 
decayed and spoyled by our greate shot. Thyrdlye, at Callys, by flyer we 
forced them to cut manye of their cables, wherby they lost manye of their 
anchors, which of necessytye they muste seke to supplye. Further, yf they 
had had none of these former great causes of distrese, yet the wynds and 
storme with the wynde westerlye as yt was, hath forced them theither; and 
I asure myselfe that whensoever her Majestie shall here of their aryvall in 
anye of these coastes, that her Heighnes shall be advertised bothe of their 
greate distrese and of no smalle losse amongst them: for I asure your honor 
her Majestie’s good shipps felt muche of that storme, and loste manye of their 
boats and pynaces, with some anckors and caibles ; yet were we fayer by our 
own shoare, and the wynde ryght of the land; some amongst us wyll not 
lett to saye that they are in Scotland. I cannot thincke so, for that we had 
no wynd wherby they were able to recover anye parte of the mayne lande of 
Scotland, without yt were some of the out isles, which are no meet places to 
releve their so manye greate wants. Norwaye, or the out isles of Scotlande, 
can releve them but with water and a flew cowes, or bad beof, and some 
smalle quantitie of goats and henes, which ys to them as nothinge; and yet 
these bade relefes are to be had but in few places, and their roads daungerous. 
The onely thinge which ys to be lookt for ys, that if they should goe to the 
Kinge of Denmarke, and there have hys frendshipp and healpe for all their 
releifes, non can better helpe their wants in all these partes then he, for that 
he ys a Prynce of greate shippinge, and cane best supplye hys wants, which 
nowe the Duke of Medyna the Sedonya stand eth in nede of, as great anckors, 
caibles, mastes, roopes, and vitualles, and what the Kinge of Spaigne’s whole 
crownes will doe, in cold counteryes, for maryners and men, I leave to your 
good Lordship, which can best judge thereof. We lefte a pynace of her 
Majesties, the Advise, and a fyne carvell of my owen to attende the fleet of 
Spaigne when we lefte them; but what ys become of them, that great 
storme, or whether they maye be stayed in anye other countery, as they maye, 
I knowe not. My power oppynion ys, that yt were moste meet to sende a 
good shipp, and some fyne barke, with some verie sufficient personne to dele 
effectualy from her Majestie with the Kinge of Denmarke, as he shall fynde 
the cause to requyer; and to send the trew report backe with all speede pos- 
syble, that they maye be the beter prevented: for no doubt, but that which 
they are able to dooe they wyll presentlye put yt in execusyon, the wynter 
wyll overtake them else in those partes. Yf they staye in the sounde thys 
wynter I hope manye of the Spanyards wyll seke Spaigne by lande. The 
Prynce of Parrna, I take him to be as a beare robbed of her whealpes; and, 
no doubte, but beinge so great a soldiour as he ys, that he will presentlye, if 






CHAP. IX.] 


CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 


141 


he maye, undertake some great matter, for hys reste wyll stande now there- 
uppon. 

Yt ys for certayne that the Duke of Sedonia standeth somewhat jelious of 
hym, and the Spanyards begynne to hate hym, their honour being towcht so 
nere, manye of their lyves spent. I asure your Honor not so lyttle as fyve 
thowsande men lesse then when first we sawe them nere Plymoth, dyvers of 
their shipps soncke and taken, and they have nothinge to saye for them¬ 
selves in excuse but that they came to the place apoynted which was at 
Callys, and there stayed the Duke of Parma’s commynge above 24 howers, 
yea, and untyll they were fyred thence. So this ys my power conclusyon, 
if we maye recover near Dunkerke this nyght or to morrowe mornynge, so 
as their power may see us retorned from the chase, and readye to encounter 
them yf they once sallye, that the next newes you shall here will be the one 
to mutenye againste the other; which, when yt shall come to passe, or 
whether they mutenye or no, let us all, with one consent, bothe hygh and 
looe, magnyfye and prayse our most gratious and mercyful God for hys 
infynyt and unspeackable goodnes towards us: which I protest to your good 
Lordship that my belefe ys that our most gratious Soveraigne, her powder sub¬ 
jects, and the Church of God, hath opened the heavens in dy vers places, and 
perced the eares of our most mercyfull Father ; unto whome, in Christe 
Jesus, be all honor and glorye,—so be yt. Amen, Amen. 

Wrytten with much haste, for that we are readye to sett sayle to prevent 
the Duke of Parma, this southerlye wynde, yf yt please God, for trewlye my 
power oppynion ys that we should have a greate eye unto hym. 

From her Majestie’s verye good Shipp the Kevenge, the 10th of Auguste, 
1588. 

Your Honor’s faythfully to be 

Commanded always, 

Fua. Drake. 

To the Eight Honorable 

Sir Francis Walsingham, knight. 

P.S. For that we wer very neere to sett saile, I most humbly beseech 
your Honor to pardon my pen, for that I am forced to writ the very copy of 
that letter which I have sent to my Lord Cbanceller. Sence the writteng 
hereof I have spoken with an Ynglishman, which cam from Dunckerck yes¬ 
terday, who sayeth, uppon his lyfe ther is no feare of the flett; yeat would I 
willinglye see it. 

Your Honour’s ever, 

Fra. Drake. 

Sir Francis Drake to Sir F. Walsingham. 

Most Honorable, 11th August, 1588. 

The soden sending for of my very good Lord, my Lord Admeral, hath 
cawsed me to screbell these fewe lynes, fyrst, most humbly besecliing your 
honor to delyver this letter unto her Majestie as a testyfycatyon of my Lord 
Admerall’s most honorable usage of me in this accyon, wlier it hath pleased 
his good Lordship to except of that which I have somtymes spoken, and 



142 


THE SPANISH ARMADA, 


[chap. IX. 


commended that lettell servis which I was abell, much better then ether of 
them bothe I was abell to deserve,—wherein yf I have not performed as 
much as was lowked for, yeat I perswade my self his good Lordship will 
confesse I have byne dutitfull. Towelling any other cawsses that ether 
hath byne done, or is to be done, lett me pray pardon of your honor, for I 
assure your Honor that my Lord Admerall hath so suffycyently instructed 
hymself dayly, as I faythfully beleve his good Lordship will throwghly 
satisfye her Majestie and your Honor what is now best to be done; thus 
humbly takyng my leave, I besech God to bless the work of her Majestie’s 
hands allways. Written abourd her Majestie’s good ship the Reveng, at 
mydnyght, this 11th August, 1588. 

Your Honor’s faythfully 

to be comanded, 

Fra. Drakr. 

To the Right Honorable 
Sir Francis Walsingham, knight. 





CHAP. X.] 


CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 


143 


CHAPTER X. 

THE SPANISH ARMADA, CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 

1588. 

Summary of the Spanish losses—Libels of the late Spanish Ambassador on 
the British Officers—Drake’s reply—Public thanksgiving—Queen’s pro¬ 
cession to St. Paul’s—Letters of the Lord High Admiral and Sir Francis 
Drake, relative to the late invasion—The fleet is paid off. 

The disasters which befel the Armada in its passage along the 
western coast of Ireland were most deplorable. The loss of 
officers and men by shipwreck and sickness exceeded that which 
they had previously experienced in the English Channel and 
the North Sea. By one account, made out with great care, it 
would appear that in the British Channel and the North Sea 
fifteen ships were lost, and on the west coast of Ireland seventeen 
others; and that the loss of life on board these thirty-two vessels 
must have exceeded ten thousand souls, exclusive of those who 
were slain in fight, or died of sickness and famine. But if the 
statement be correct that the utmost number of ships which 
' reached the Spanish ports did not exceed sixty, the loss must 
have been much greater. Hakluyt says— 

“ Of one hundred and four and thirty sail, that came out of Lisbon, only 
three and fifty returned to Spain. Of the four galiasses of Naples, but one 
the like of the four largest galleons of Portugal; of the one and ninety 
galleons and great hulks, from divers provinces, only three and thirty re¬ 
turned. In a word, they lost eighty-one ships in this expedition, and up¬ 
wards of thirteen thousand five hundred soldiers.” 

It may easily be conceived how severe the shock must have 
oeen to Philip, when he received the intelligence of the defeat 
and destruction of his Invincible Armada. He is said, however, to 
have borne his disappointment well, and to have returned thanks 
to God that it was no worse. He could not, however, overlook 



144 


THE SPANISH ARMADA, 


[chap. X. 


the conduct of those whose disobedience to his orders had in 
some degree led to the ill-success of the enterprise. Against 
the Duke of Medina Sidonia, in particular, his anger was so 
much excited, that he gave orders he should never again appear 
at court: but the duchess, who was extremely beautiful, and a 
great favourite with the king, prevailed on his Majesty to 
rescind the order, and again to receive him into favour. But 
Don Diego de Valdez, who was considered to have been the 
person who misled the Duke, was sentenced to be imprisoned in 
the castle of Saint Andrea, and was never seen or heard of after¬ 
wards. Don Pedro de Valdez remained a prisoner in England 
between two and three years; and was only released on a ransom 
of about 3000/. 

The conclave of the Vatican did not bear their disappointment 
so well as the king had done ! His Holiness the Pope, the car¬ 
dinals, priests, monks, and Jesuits, were exasperated beyond 
bounds, not only at the defeat of the Armada, which they had 
pronounced Invincible, but because the falsification of all their 
prophecies against England would bring them into discredit 
throughout Europe. The defeat of the Armada was known in 
Paris immediately after the dispersion of the fleet by the fire¬ 
ships off Calais; yet after it was so known, Mendoza, the late 
ambassador to London, kept his printing-press at work to dis¬ 
seminate lies against the Queen, the Lord High Admiral, and 
Sir Francis Drake. 

“ But however coolly,” says Stow, “ Philip might take the disastrous 
account of his Armada, his ambassador in France, Don Bernardin Mendoza, 
and his tool, one Capella, were industrious enough to spread false reports in 
print, claiming a victory for Spain. So blindly did his impudence and in¬ 
dignation carry him, that he dispersed his lies in French, Italian, and 
Spanish, pretending he had received advices from London, that the Queen’s 
High Admiral had been taken by the Spanish Admiral, and that he saved 
himself in a boat, and that Drake was either taken or slain; that the 
Catholics, perceiving her navy to be spoiled, had made a mutiny, which in¬ 
duced the Queen to take the field in person, and that it is affirmed, as true, 
that no ship nor boat of the Spaniards had been carried into England, except 
the ship of Don Pedro de Valdez.” 

Strype says that one of Mendoza’s own friends pointed out to 
him the baseness of his conduct in the following terms : — 



CHAP. X. I 


CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 


145 


“ I marvel, good Sir, to see a man of so noble a lineage, and no less endued 
with gifts of nature than others, should have your ears so opened to hear the 
rumours and lies which the scoffing and gibing flatterers do write you; and 
I wonder not so much in that you credit them, as at the speed wherewith 
vour honour doth write them. Your honour writeth to Spain that it is a 
matter most true that the Lord High Admiral was come, running^away with 
twenty-five or twenty-six ships, unto London, and that he had lost his flag¬ 
ship ; and that Drake was taken prisoner; and that this was written for a 
matter most certain by persons of credit from London.” 

This fabulous gazette of Don Bernardin was translated into 
English, and published under the title of 4 A pack of Spanish 
Lies, sent abroad into the world, translated out of the original, 
and now ripp’d up, unfolded, and, by just examination, con¬ 
demned, as containing false, corrupt, and detestable wares, 
worthy to be damn’d and burnt.’ 

Though Drake very rarely gave himself the trouble to answer 
personal abuse, yet, on the present occasion, he published an 
admirable and spirited letter, which proves that he was no less 
able to vanquish a libeller with his pen than an enemy with his 
sword. 

“ They were not ashamed,” he says, “ to publish in sundry languages in 
print, great victories in words, which they pretended to have obtained 
against this realm, and spread the same in a most false sort over all parts of 
France, Italy, and elsewhere ; when, shortly after, it was happily manifested 
in very deed to all nations, how their navy, which they termed invincible, 
consisting of one hundred and forty sail of ships, not only of their own 
kingdom, but strengthened with the greatest Argosies, Portugal carracks, 
Florentines, and large hulks of other countries, were, by thirty of Her 
Majesty’s own ships of war, and a few of our merchants, by the wise, 
valiant, and advantageous conduct of the Lord Charles Howard, High 
Admiral of England, beaten and shuffled together even from the Lizard in 
Cornwall, first to Portland, where they shamefully left Don Pedro de 
Valdez, with his mighty ship: from Portland to Calais, where they lost 
Hugh de Moncado, with the galleys of which he was captain; and from 
Calais, driven with squibs from their anchors, were chased out of the sight 
of England round about Scotland and Ireland; where, for the sympathy of 
their religion, hoping to find succour and assistance, a great part of them 
were crushed against the rocks, and those other that landed, being very- 
many in number, were, notwithstanding, broken, slain, and taken ; and so 
sent from village to village, coupled in halters to be shipped into England, 
where Her Majesty, of her princely and invincible disposition disdaining to 
put them to death, and scorning either to retain, or entertain them, they were 
all sent back again to their countries to witness and recount the worthy 

L 




146 


THE SPANISH ARMADA, 


[chap. x # 


achievement of their invincible and dreadful navy. Of which the number 
of soldiers, the fearful burthen of their ships, the commanders’ names of 
every squadron, with all other, their magazines of provisions, were put in 
print, as an army and navy irresistible and disdaining prevention ; with all 
which their great terrible ostentation they did not, in all their sailing round 
about England, so much as sink or take one ship, bark, pinnace, or cockboat 
of ours, or even burn so much as one sheepcote on this land.” 

It is said that the Spanish noblemen and the officers of the 
Armada had made a specific division among themselves of all 
the noblemen’s estates in England ; and had in fact apportioned 
out the kingdom among themselves: the houses of the rich mer¬ 
chants in London, which were to be given as plunder to the 
soldiers and sailors, were also systematically registered. The 
extent to which this vain anticipation was carried, appears to us 
the less incredible when we remember that, in our own days, a 
foe as inveterate as Philip, with means more formidable, and 
hatred more intense, and also of far greater talents, encouraged 
his myrmidons to the invasion of our shores, by the same auda¬ 
cious partition of our lands and property. 

While among the Spaniards the loss was so great that there 
was scarcely a family of any distinction throughout the kingdom 
which was not in mourning, England everywhere resounded with 
acclamations of joy; in which all the Protestant nations of 
Europe participated; whilst poets and painters employed their 
talents to celebrate the joyful issue of the contest. 

Nor was the Queen backward in acknowledging, in the most 
public and solemn manner, her gratitude to Almighty God for 
the signal victory his providence had granted her. 

“ At a council held at Greenwich the third of November, 1588 , at which 
all the great officers of state were present, a letter to the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, lettinge his lordship to understande that Her Majestie’s expresse 
pleasure and eomaudment was, that order should be given by his Lordship 
in all the dioceses under his Lordship’s province, to the severall bishoppes, 
curates, and mynisters, to appoint some speciall daye wherein all the realme 
might concur in givinge publique and generall thanckes unto God with all 
devocion and inward affection of hearte and liumblenesse, for his gratyous 
favor extended towardes us in our deliverance and defence, in the wonderfull 
overthrow and destruction showed by his mightie hand on our malytious 
euemyes the Spanyardes, whoe had thought to invade and make a conquest of 
the realme. 

“ The lyke letter wrytten unto the deane and chapter of the byshoprick of 




CHAP. X.] 


CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 


147 


Yorke to take the same order within the Dyocese of that B : as was in all 
points specyfied in the former letter.” * 

The Queen also directed a public and solemn thanksgiving to 
be made at the metropolitan church of St. Paul: on which occa¬ 
sion all the trophies taken from the enemy were carried in pro¬ 
cession, and deposited in the church ; and she then distributed 
rewards to the Lord High Admiral and the officers and seamen 
of the fleet. 

Several medals were struck in England in memory of the 
defeat of the Armada. One in particular was specially in ho¬ 
nour of the Queen. It represented ships in flames proceeding 
towards a fleet which was making off in great hurry and confu¬ 
sion ; its inscription, Dux fcemina facti , alluded to the circum¬ 
stance, generally believed at the time, that it was Elizabeth 
herself who, on hearing that the Armada had anchored before 
Calais, threw out the hint to Lord Charles Howard of the expe¬ 
diency of sending some fire-ships among them. There is no 
direct evidence of this : but in a letter alluding to the success of 
the measure, the Lord Admiral says, “ the bearer came in good 
time on board this ship, and brings with him as good knowledge 
as we could wish.” Another medal, representing a flying fleet, 
had this inscription, “ Venit, vidit, fugit.” The Zealanders had 
several medals struck: one, on which was the Spanish fleet scat¬ 
tered in great confusion, bore the motto, “ Impius fugit , nemine 
sequente .” 

Although the secession of the Duke of Parma from the enter¬ 
prise, and the destitute state of the Spanish fleet, might have 
removed all apprehension of a renewal of hostilities from any 
quarter, yet it appears from the letters of the Lord High Ad¬ 
miral and Sir Francis Drake, that they deemed it very expedient 
to keep their fleet together. 

Lord Effingham to the Queen. 

My Most Grasious Soferen, 22 Aug. 1588. 

The graet goodnes of your Majestie towards me, that hathe so lyttell 
desarved, dowthe make me in case that I know not how to wryght to your 
Majestie how muche I am bound to you for your infynyte goodneses, nor 
chaun be ancered by any wayse but with the spend of my blud and lyfe in 


* Council Register, H. M. Council Office. 

l 2 






148 


THE SPANISH AllMADA, 


[chap. X. 


your Majestie’s sarvis, wyche I wyll be as redy and as wyllyng to dow as 
ever cretur that lyved was for tlier pry nee. 

My most grasious Ladie, with graet gryfe I must wryght unto you in what 
state I fynd your flyte in lxeer. The infecsion is growne verry graet, and in 
many shypse, and now verry dangerous; and those that comme in freshe are 
sonest infected : they sicken the on day and dy the next: it is a thynge that 
ever folloethe such graet sarvyses, and I dowt not but with good care and 
Godse goodnes, wyche dowthe alwayse bles your Majestic and yourse, it 
wyll quenche agayne. The course that we heer thynk meet to be kepte, 
bothe for the sarvis as also for the safte of your Majestie’s pepell, we have 
wryghten at large unto my lords of your Majestie’s Pryvy Councell, to 
informe your Majestie, and have also sent this berrer, Mr. Tho. Fenor, who 
is both wyse and chann informe your Majestie how all things standethe heer. 
And because it requyerethe sped and resolusion of your Majestie, I dow leve 
to trowble your Majestie any farder. Preyinge to the Almyghtie God to 
make your Majestie to lyve mor hapyer dayse then ever cretur that lyved on 
the erthe. From Dover, the 22 of August. 

Your Majestie’s most bound, most 

faythfull and obedient sarvant, 

C. Howard. 

Evne as I had wryghten thus muche, Mr. E. Noreys chame, woose adver- 
tysement dowth altter the case muche. 

To the Queen’s most 
Excelent Majestie. 

Lord Effingham and Sir Francis Drake to Sir Francis Walsingham. 

Sir. 27th August, 1588. 

Apone your letter I sent presentlie for Sir F. Drake, and showed him 
the desier that heer Majestie had for the interceptyng of the king’s tresur 
from the Indias, and so we considered of it, and nether of us fyndyng any 
shypse heer in the flyte any way se able to goo such a voyage, befor they have 
byne aground, wych chanot be downe in any plase but at Chatham; and 
now that this spryng is so far past, it wyll be fourteen daijse befor they 
chan be grounded. And wher you wryght that I shuld make nobody 
aquaynted with it but Sir F. Drake, it is verry strange to me that anny body 
chan thynk that yf it wer that if the smalest barks weer to be sent out, but 
that the offysers must know it; for this is not as if a man wold send but over 
to the cost of France. I dare asure you Sir F. Drake, who is a man of 
jugment and aquaynted with it, wyll tell you what must be downe for such 
a journey. Belike it is thowght the ilands be but heer by; it is not thought 
how the yeer is spent. I thowght it good, therfore, to send with all sped Sir 
F. D., althowghe he be not very well, to inform you ryghtly of all, and look 
what shall be then thouwght meet. I wyll dow my indevor with all the 
powr I maye, for I protest before God I would gyve all that I have that it 
weer met withall, for that bio, after this he hath, wold mak him safe. Sir, 
for Sir Thos. Morgayne and the dischargyng of shypse I will deell with all 




CHAP. X.] 


CALLED THE INVINCIBLE. 


149 


when the spryng* is past, but befor I dare not venture; for them of London 
I dow not lieer ot them it (yet) but those that be with my cosyne Knivet. 
Sir, I send you heer inclosed a note of the money that Sir F. Drake had 
abourd Don Pedro. I did take now at my comynge downe 3000 pystolets, 
as I told you I wold, for by Jesus I had not three pounds lefte in the 
worlde, and had nor anythinge coulde geet mony in London. And I dow 
assur you my plat has gone befor, but I wyll repay it within ten days after 
my comyng home. I pray you let her Majestie know so ; and by the Lord 
God of lievne I had not one crown mor, and had it not byne meer nesesite 
I wold not have touched one; but if I had not sum to have bestoed apon 
sum pour and myserable men I should have wyshed myselfe out of the 
worlde. Sir, let me not lyve longer then I shall be most wylling to dow ah 
sarvys, and to take any paynse I chan for her Majestie’s sarvis. I thynk 
S ; " V Drake wyll say I have lyttell rest, day or nyght. The Ark, in Dover 
.Uv,ad, the 27 of August (1588). 

Your most assured, 

C. HoWARD.f 

To my verie lovinge freinde, 

Mr. Secretarie Walsinghame, 
at the Courte. 

In the course of the month of September the Queen’s ships 
were paid off; and those of the merchant adventurers returned to 
their usual occupation. 

It is stated in Lediard’s ( Naval History of England ’ that ten 
sail of the Armada were cast away on the coast of Ireland, 
among which were one of the great galeasses and two Venetian 
ships, the Batta and Belangara ; that those of their crews who 
escaped shipwreck and reached the shore were all put to the 
sword, or perished by the hand of the executioner, the Lord 
Deputy fearing they should join with the rebels. The following 
letter in the State Paper Office is almost conclusive evidence 
that this was not the case:— 

To the Lord Deputy of Ireland. 

Our very good Lord, 14th Sept. 1588. 

Imedatly after the writing of or last letters to yo r Lp. we went wheare 
we hard the Spanyarde were, and mett them at S r John O’Dogherty is towne 
called Illagh. We sent unto them to know who they were, and what their 
intent was, or why they did invade any pte. of the Queene’s Ma ts . domynion, 
their aunswer was that they did sett foorth to invade England, and were 
pcell of the fleete w ch was overthrowen by her Ma ts navy, and that they 


* i. e. Spring-tides. 

f These letters are copied from MSS in the State Paper Office. 





150 


THE SPANISH ARMADA. 


[chap. X. 


were dryven tetlier by force of wether. Whereupon we (pceiving that they 
were in nombre above vjc men) did incamp that night w th in muskett sbott of 
them, being in nombre not passing vij :<x men [here in the hand-writing of 
Lord Burleigh is this note: ‘ A bold attempt of 140 against 600’] ; and the 
same nyght about midnyght did skirmish w th them for the space ii houres, 
and in that skyrmish did slay their lieutenant of the fealde and above xx ty 
more beside the hurting of a great nomber of their men: so as in the next 
day (in skyrmishing w th them) they were forced to yeld themselves, and we 
lost but one soldior : nowe O’Donill and wee are come w th some of them to 
Dongainne, meaning to go w th them w th out companies to yo r Lp. And 
therefore we humbly besech yo r honour to graunte warr 1 for victling of them, 
as the prysone rs are very weake, and unable to travaile, we desire yo r Lp. 
(yf yo u shall so thinke meete) to gyve direcon for leveyings of horses and 
garrans to cary them to Dublin. The best of them seemeth to cary some 
kinde of maiesty, and hath ben governor of thirty thousand men this xxiiij 
years past; the rest of the prysoners are men of greate calling, and such as 
in o r oppynion were not amysse to be questioned w th all. So we humbly take 
our leave. From Dongainne, the xiiij of September, 1588. 

Your most humble, 

Rich. Hovenden, 
Henry Hovenden.* 

The Lord Deputy 
of Ireland. 

Haste. 


* MS 


•9 


State Paper Office, 



chap. xi.J EXPEDITION TO THE GROYNE. &c. 


5 ) 


CHAPTER XI. 

EXPEDITION TO THE GROYNE (CORUNNA), AND LISBON. 

1589. 

Reasons for attacking Spain—Petition of Don Antonio, a candidate for the 
Crown of Portugal—Sir F. Drake and Sir J. Norris appointed to com¬ 
mand the Expedition—Letters of Sir J. Norris and Sir F. Drake to Lord 
Burleigh—Attack on Corunna—Gallant conduct of a Female—Description 
of the attack by Norris and by Drake—Essex joins them—Arrival at 
Peniche—Norris marches for Lisbon —Drake sails for Cascais—Pro¬ 
ceedings before Lisbon—Proceedings at Cascais—Embark at Cascais— 
The Fleet is dispersed in a Storm—Arrive at Plymouth—Case of Lord 
Essex. 

Elizabeth was soon convinced that, in the present temper of 
the Roman Catholics of Spain, no peace on honourable terms 
could be entered into with Philip; and that the honour and 
safety of the nation required the most vigorous measures to be 
pursued, without waiting for the visit of a second Armada. 
Spain not only still held out threats, but preparations were un¬ 
derstood to be actually making in her western ports for the 
attempt; it was therefore deemed the wisest policy to show them 
that England was as able to attack as to defend. 

“ When,” says Camden, “ the Queen had shown this example of terror 
(the trial and condemnation of the Earl of Arundel) at home, to make herself 
equally feared abroad, and pursue the victory which Providence had given 
her over the Spaniards, conceiving it to be both more safe and honourable 
to attack the enemy than to stand an assault from them, she suffered a 
fleet to put to sea upon an expedition against Spain. This Sir John Norris 
and Sir Francis Drake did generously and frankly undertake, at their own 
and some other private men’s charge, and with very little expense to the 
Queen’s purse, except the fitting out of a few men of war ; for, indeed, they 
were fully convinced that the power of Spain lay rather in common fancy 
and opinion, than in any real strength they were masters of. The agreement 
between them was this—that whatever prizes they took should be shared 
among them by a fair and equal dividend. But it happened that there came 
not in so many to this expedition as was expected. 






152 


EXPEDITION TO THE 


[chap. XI. 


“ The States added some ships, although they were at present displeased 
with the English, because Wingfield, governor of Gertruydenburgh, and the 
English garrison of that place, had betrayed the town to the Spaniard. The 
present fleet was reckoned to consist of 11,000 soldiers and 1500 sailors. 
Don Antonio, the bastard prior of Crato (a natural son of the royal family of 
Portugal), with a few Portuguese, joined them ; for he, it seems, laying claim 
to the Crown of Portugal by a popular election (for by the laws of that king¬ 
dom bastards are not excluded), had made the English mighty promises, 
hoping, we may suppose, to recover the kingdom by the help of these forces, 
the revolt of the Portuguese from the Spaniard, and the assistance of Muley 
Hamet, King of Morocco.” 


Drake, always ready in his country’s cause, as soon as he 
received the Queen’s commands to prepare an expedition, in con¬ 
junction with General Sir John Norris, lost no time in taking 
the necessary steps for fitting out the ships to be employed. The 
Queen furnished the following ships : — 


Ships. 

The Pevenge 
Dreadnought 
Aid 

Nonpareil 

Foresight 

Swiftsure 


Naval Commanders. 
Sir Francis Drake 
Capt. Thos. Fenner 
Capt. Wm. Fenner 
Capt Sackville 
Capt. Wm. Winter 
Capt. Goring. 


Military Commanders. 

Sir John Norris. 

Sir Edward Norris. 
Sir Henry Norris. 
Sir Roger Williams. 
Capt. Williams. 


The fleet of merchant-adventurers, and of transports for the 
conveyance of the soldiers, amounted to eighty, or, according 
to some accounts, to one hundred and forty sail. 

No two commanders could have been chosen better qualified 
to conduct this expedition. Sir John Norris was a highly dis¬ 
tinguished soldier, had seen much service on the continent and 
in Ireland, and held a chief command during the period that 
country was threatened by the Spaniards; he had also served 
under Coligny in the religious wars of France. Many of the 
other officers were distinguished men. But these expeditions, 
mixed up of war and traffic, so common in those days, how well 
soever conducted, were rarely successful: nor was the present 
one any exception to the rule. It was detained, wind-bound, a 
whole month at Plymouth. Of its promised forces, six hundred 
English horses, seven old companies from the Low Countries, 
and four Dutch companies never joined it; and it was put to 
great expense by the consumption of provisions whilst at Ply¬ 
mouth. These were serious losses to the generals and the 



chap, xi.] GROYNE (CORUNNA), AND LISBON. 


153 


merchant adventurers ; and many complaints were received by 
the commanders. Both the Generals earnestly called on Lord 
Burleigh for a supply of money and provisions. Drake’s letter 
was as follows :— 

Sip. Francis Drake to the Lord High Treasurer. 

April, 1589. 

Righte Honourable and my verie good Lorde, 

I did never write to your Lordship with so discontentede a rainde as I 
doe now. The cause is (as it maie please your Lordship) in that it pleaseth 
God to staie our forces in harhurough by contrarie windes ; whereby our 
victualls have beene and doe dailie consume without doeinge anie service: 
which (if God favor us not with a tymelie winde) must needes be the onlie 
meanes that the accion will be dissolvede: We have used our best meanes as 
longe as we coulde to upuholde the service, as farre as our owne abilities, and 
the creditte of our freends could anie waie be stretchede to serve our turnes : 
butt for that the nombers of our men are so manie, and our dailie charge so 
greate by reason of our staie, we are no further able to continewe the same 
as we have donne. If this action beinge broughte to that perfection (as we 
are readie to take the first goode winde that shall blowe) should nowe be 
dissolved by reason of anie particular wantes, the dishonour therein must 
needes be graate to her Majestie: The losse not a litle to us, and suche as are 
adventurers, and the clamour of the nombers which must be dischargede 
most intollerable: who must needes and will be satisfiede of their paie for 
the tyme of their service, at her Majesties hands, or ours ; and ourselves no 
waie able to accomplishe it: Wherefore I have thought it my duetie to ac¬ 
quaint your Lordship herewith, for the consideracion of the greatnes of the 
cause : humblie beseechinge your Lordship to move to her Majestie herewith: 
that present order maie be sente the Leivetenants and Justices of the peace of 
the Sheires next adioyning, or to Mr. Darell: whome your Lordship maie 
depute as Commissioners in that behalf That by the countrie adioyning, 
our presente necessitie maie be suppliede: where we might have sufficiente 
enoughe, if we had present monies to make satisfaccion accordinglie. Thus 
I humblie take my leave of your Lordship. 

From Plymouthe, this (not dated) of Aprill, 1589. 

Your Lordship’s allw r aies readie 

to be commaundede 
(signed) Fra : Drake.* 

To the Ryght Honorable 

my verie good Lorde 

the Lord hiegh Treasorer 
of England. 

In the next letter Sir Francis Drake alludes to the intention 


* MS. State Paper Office. 




154 


EXPEDITION TO TIIE 


[chap. XT, 


of the Earl of Essex to join the fleet as a volunteer. The 
Queen had given orders to the commanders of the expedition to 
find him out (for no one knew where he was), and to send him 
to Court. 


Sir F. Drake to the Lord High Chancellor. 

19 April, 1589. 

Most Honourable and my especiall good Lord, 

For that we now understand that her Majestie is pleased to releve us 
with som vittuall, I thincke yf it shall so please your Lordship that Captayne 
Crosse will be a very meett man to be sent after us with the sam vittuall, for 
that we have aqwaynted hym throwghly with the particullers of the statt of 
our armey, and cann judge well wher to fynd us uppon the cost of Spayne 
uppon such advertisments as I have geven hym. This cawse of the Erll of 
Essexe hath been and is very great truble unto us, for that we hyere conty- 
newally that his Lordships abyding is uncertayne in any one party culler 
place. We have sent bothe by sea and land and dow dayly exspecte to hyer 
from his Lordship. 

Yf his Lordship be not gonn for the cost of France, we shall meett with 
hym very shortly, for that we have great hope of this fayer wether, when we 
shall dow our best endeavoures for the satisfyeing of her Majesties expresse 
commaundement in sending his Lordship to the court. 

God geve us a good wynd as we hope well; that ther may be some pleas- 
inger matter to writ unto your good Lordship. Humbly takyng my leave 
this 19th of Aprell, 1589, from abourd her Majesties ship the Keveng. 

Your good Lordships humbly 

at commandment 
(signed) Fra : Drake.”' 

At length the expedition put to sea; but the wind for two days 
continued cross, and many of the ships, as might be expected in 
such a heterogeneous mass, were dispersed, and never again 
joined; several of these were transports, which were either not 
able, or not willing, to double Usliant. The number of men 
missing is said to have been nearly 3000, some having got into 
France, and some to England. The weather, however, soon 
moderated, and five days brought them into the bay of Corunna 
(corrupted into Groyne), where the ships anchored about a mile 
below the town. 

The best and fullest account of this expedition was published 
in the year 1589, and bears this title: ‘A true Coppie of a 
Discourse, written by a gentleman, employed in the late Voyage 

* MS. State Paper Office. 




ciiap. xi.] GROYNE (CORUNNA), AND LISBON. 155 

of Spain and Portingale.’ It says that some of the galleons 
fired upon them and the companies as they passed to and fro the 
first night. The next day they attacked the lower town on three 
sides, and carried it without much resistance, and found an im¬ 
mense quantity of wine and oil. They took the governor Don 
J nan de Luna prisoner, with some other persons of note, and 
destroyed a large quantity of ammunition and stores which had 
been sent thither for the new expedition intended against Eng¬ 
land. About five hundred Spaniards are said to have been killed 
“ in the heat of the plunderand several of the English lost 
their lives, not by the enemy, but by their indulgence in the 
wine-cellars, by which great sickness was caused among the 
troops. The quantity of wine consumed, carried away, and de¬ 
stroyed, is said to have amounted to about 2000 pipes, collected 
for the use of the next Spanish expedition. 

The Spaniards themselves set fire to a very large ship which lay 
in the harbour, and which burnt for two days together. They did 
this to prevent her from falling into the hands of the invaders, 
and the Spaniards loaded her guns to such a degree that four-and- 
thirty of them burst. This 'was the galleon San Juan, one of 
the few which had escaped the general wreck of the Armada. 

Preparations were now made for besieging the upper town. 
Near one of the gates was a convent dedicated to St. Domingo ; the 
general ordered it to be occupied ; and from the upper part of the 
building they fired into the town. On the following night it. was 
intended to get possession of a long munition-house built upon 
the wall; but the Spaniards, suspecting the intention, set fire to 
it themselves. In the mean time a large fire broke out in the 
lower part of the town, which had it not been speedily got under 
by the General’s precaution of pulling down the adjacent houses, 
all the provision stores would have been consumed, to the great 
inconvenience of the English. By this time General Norris had 
taken a survey of the walls, which he found to be in most places 
based upon rock ; one particular point, however, admitted the 
working of a mine. After three days’ labour it was deemed 
ready for springing; but it failed. Two days after a second 
mine was sprung; the explosion brought down half the tower 
under which it had been made. The breach was pronounced 
practicable, and immediately assaulted: but when the men 



15G 


EXPEDITION TO TIIE 


[chap. XI. 


gained the summit, the other half of the tower fell, and crushed 
the chief engineer; and Captains Sydenham and Kersey were 
killed, together with a great many inferior officers and men. 

Captain Sydenham was found with three or four large stones 
upon his lower extremities, so wedged in that neither he himself 
could stir, nor were the company about him able to release him, 
notwithstanding the next day he was still alive. Around him 
were the bodies of eight or ten men, who had been shot by the 
Spaniards while endeavouring to extricate their officer. 

The General having planted his ordnance, summoned the 
town in the usual form by a drum; the drummer was shot at; 
but the Spaniards immediately hung the man who had fired at 
him; saying they only wanted fair war, and would promise on 
their part to observe it. 

A breach having been made in the convent garden wall, some 
officers and men entered it, pike in hand, but were opposed at 
the summit by the Spaniards, who had prepared all means of 
defence; and were encouraged, as Mr. Southey says, on the au¬ 
thority of Gondara, by the masculine exertions of Maria Pita, 
the wife of an alferez, or ensign, who, 

“ With a spirit which women have more often displayed in Spain than in 
any other country, snatched up sword and buckler, and took her stand among 
the foremost of the defendants; and so much was ascribed by the people to 
the effect of her example, that she was rewarded for this service with the full 
pay of an ensign for life, and the half-pay was settled upon her descendants 
in perpetuity.” 

It is moreover stated “ that this virago lost none of her courage 
at seeing her husband killed before her eyes, and that she 
wounded an English standard-bearer mortally with a lance.” 

The assault was not renewed ; and the failure was so complete 
that Sir John Norris determined to abandon an enterprise which 
he now considered hopeless. But to secure his embarkation, 
without being molested, he deemed it expedient to disperse a 
very large military force, under the Conde de Antrade, which 
was encamped behind the Puente de Burgos, waiting there to be 
joined by the troops of the Conde de Altamira, in order that, 
with their united strength, they should advance to the relief of 
the town, and cut off the retreat of the English. 

The following extract from a joint letter of Sir John Norris 



chai>. xi.] GROYNE (CORUNNA), AND LISBON. 


157 


and Sir Brands Drake to the Privy Council will best describe 
their proceedings:— 


Extracted out of a Letter from Sir John Norris and 
Sir Francis Drake to the Council. 


7th May, 1589. 

Even as this letter was almost ended, certaine cumpanies of the Flemings 
being sent abroade on foraging browght in a prisoner whoe uppon his lief 
assured us that theare weare 15,000 soldiers assembled and encamped verie 
strongelie at Puente de Burgos abowt 5 Englishe miles from us, under the 
conduct and commaundment of the Erles of Altamira and Andrada. Wheare- 
uppon on Tuesday the Gth of this present, wee marched towardes them with 
7000 soldiers, leaving the rest for the guard and siege of the towne, and 
encountringe with them, theie continued fighte the space of three quarters of 
an hower; and then we forced them to retire to the foote of a bridge, 
wheareon not above three could martche in ranke, and was abowt ten scoare 
in length, from whence (althowgh theie weare theare defended by some for¬ 
tifications and had the benefitt and succour of certaine howses, and other 
places adjoining) theie weare followed with our shott and pikes, with such 
courage and fiercenes, as, after some fewe vollies on both sides, theie entred 
the bridge wheare in the middest, with the pushe of the pike, forced to make 
retreate into their trenches to the further foote of the bridge wheare theie 
encamped which also (being pursued) theie forsooke and betooke themselves 
to flighte abandonninge their weapons, bagge and baggage, and loste about 
1000 in skirmishe and pursuite. 

Had wee had either horse on lande, or some companies of Irish kerne to 
have pursued them, theare had none of them escaped; which cannot be but a 
notable dishonour to the Kinge, and in our opinions noe small furtherance to 
the service intended : Wee lost not above 2 common soldiers and one of the 
corporalls of the feeld. Sir Edward Norris, whoe ledd the vanntgard, gre- 
vouslie hurt with a blowe on the head, and Captaine Fulford shott in the 
arme. Capteine George shott in the left eie. Captaine Hinde wounded in 
three places of the head, but noe danger of lief in annie of them. 

Thus it hath pleased God to geve her Majestie the victorie which wee have 
great hope to pursue elsewlieare with like success if we maie be succored 
with such necessaries as are neadefull: if not, wee can but doe our ende- 
vours, and leave the rest to the consideracion of your Lordships, whome we 
humblie leave to the protection of the Almighty. From the Groine the 7th 
of Maye, 1589.* 

Captain Fenner, in his account which is given in Birch’s 
Memoirs, enters into a few more particulars :— 


* 


MS. State Paper Office 




158 


EXPEDITION TO THE 


[chap. xi. 


“General Norris,” he says, “with 1700 men attempted the bridge, but 
was driven back. A second time he entered with Sir Edward Norris, Co¬ 
lonel Sidney, and Captain Cooper, and succeeded in driving back the Spa¬ 
niards, beating them out of their entrenchments, and continued slaying 
them in pursuit for more than a mile, in which affair from 1200 to 1300 
Spaniards were supposed to be slain: three English captains were killed, Sir 
Edward Norris and Colonel Sidney wounded. This service ended, and no 
hope left of gaining the higher town, for want of powder in the fleet, the 
General gave orders for the companies to re-embark.” 

The following appears to have been the last letter written 
from this place :— 

Sir F. Drake to Lord Burghley. 

8 May, 1589. 

Right Honourable and my vekie good Lorde, 

The 23th of the last monethe we fell with Ortingall in Gallizea, the 
winde blowinge verie muche easterlie. And the daie followinge we landede 
at the Groyne 7000 of our men : where we had attemptede the takinge of the 
Base Towne the same nighte, if extreame raine and verie fowle weather had 
not lettede us. The 25th we assaultede the Base Towne bothe by sea and 
lande, and tooke it with the onlie losse of 20 of our men, and 500 of the 
enemye. The windes have beene allwaies contrarie since our cominge here, 
blowinge verie muche with a greate sea and continewall showres of raine, 
which did somewhatt lett the service. We founde at our cominge thither 
fower greate shippes, makinge readie with all expedicion for a freshe Armado 
against Englande. Emongest which there was the Gallion St. John, the 
Vize Admirall of the Ivinge’s last fleete, which is burnte, and the other three 
taken: we have taken of the enemies in this place, out of the shippes, and 
towne, verie neere 150 peices ordinannce: and have made spoile of manie 
greate provisions in readines for this newe armye. To deferre the tyme 
beinge staiede in by contrarie windes, wee layede batterie to the hiegher 
towne, findinge it to be stronglie defended, by reason of divers companies of 
old souldiers which were remayning there readie to goe fourth in this armye. 
The 5th of this monethe we tooke a souldier in the countrie : by whome we 
understood howe the Governors of the countrie had assemblede by rowle 
15,000 olde souldiers and men of the countrie which (as we since heare) are 
but 10,000. Being shortlie advertisede that they had entrenched themselves 
within 5 miles of us, we thought it meete, uppon consultacion had the next 
morning, to salley fourth with 7000 of our men: who understanding our 
forces to come nighe unto them resolved to fighte, where it pleaseth God to 
allot us the victorie, which is no litle quailing to the enemye. My opinion 
is that great happines is fallen to our Queene and countrie by our cominge 
hither, where we staie untill God sende us a fair winde. If there had been 
good reckoninge made at first of the necessitie of this service, we should not 
then have needed theise particular wants of victuall, cannon, and powder. 








chap, xi.] GROYNE (CORUNNA), AND LISBON. 


159 


The wante of the one maketh us to leave some services halfe donne; and the 
other to seeke meate to live: whereof if there be no speedie supplie made, 
it maie be the cause to hinder suche an action as I shall not live to see the 
like, to performe great matters at so convenient a tyme. 

Thus I humblie take my leave of your good Lordship; from the Groine 
this 8th of Maye, 1589. 

Your good Lordships humblie 
to be comaundede, 

( Signed) Fra : Drake. 

To the Right Honourable 

my verie goode Lorde the Lord Burgheley 
L: hieghe Treasorer of England.* 

Having plundered and burnt the enemy’s camp, the lower town, 
and all the adjacent villages, they re-embarked the troops without 
any loss of men ; and on the 10th made sail down the coast of 
Portugal, and were joined at sea by the Earl of Essex, bringing 
with him some ships laden with corn for the use of the fleet. 
The Earl was accompanied by his brother Walter Devereux, Sir 
Roger Williams, Sir Philip Butler, and Sir Edward Wingfield. 

“ This young nobleman,” says Camden, “ was supposed to be urged to 
join the expedition, partly from a thirst after glory, and partly from a 
hatred he bore to the Spaniards, and also from the generous motive of a com¬ 
passionate feeling towards the exiled Don Antonio; whatever might have 
been his motives or ambition that made him quit the pleasures of a court, to 
try his fortune at sea and on the field of battle, he joined the expedition, 
without the Queen’s leave or approbation.” 

“ Essex,” says one of the pamphlets of the day, “ is considered by us as the 
child of Mars, descended from a heroic and warlike family, a youth of lofty 
and enlightened mind, a great favourite of the people, the nobility, and the 
Queen, with a resolution to suffer and undergo all dangers, and rather than not 
be present at so splendid an expedition, he preferred being a private soldier 
without any command than to remain at home in high favour with every 
one, surrounded by a herd of courtiers.” And the ‘ True Copy of the Dis¬ 
course’ says, “The Earle havinge put himself into the journey against the 
opinion of the world, and, as it seemed, to the hazard of his great fortune, 
though to the great advancement of his reputation, and as the honorable 
carriage of himselfe towards all men doth make him highly esteemed at 
home, so did his exceeding forwardness in all services make him to be won¬ 
dered at amongst us. After his corning into the fleet, to the great rejoicing 
of us all, he demanded of the General, that he might always have the leading 
of the van-guard, which he readily yielded unto, as being desirous to satisfie 
him in all things, but especially in matters so much tending to his honour as 
this did.” 


* MS. State Paper Office. 







160 


EXPEDITION TO THE 


[chap. XT, 


The expedition arrived in nine days at Peniche, about forty 
miles from Lisbon ; and here the troops were disembarked with 
the loss of a boat and above twenty men in the surf. Two 
troops were placed under the command of Essex, one of which 
he left to protect the landing, and with the other advanced 
towards the town to attack some Spanish troops that came out to 
oppose him. These troops not being proof against the push of 
the pike, fled, and he entered the open town without opposition, 
and summoned the castle, which the commandant readily surren¬ 
dered to Don Antonio, acknowledging him as his king. 

Sir John Norris decided on proceeding at once by land, and 
Sir Francis Drake promised to meet him at Lisbon. Such a 
promise could only be conditional. The True Discourse says 
that when they were all marshalled and ready to march, Drake, 

“ To make known the honourable desire he had of taking equal part in all 
fortune with them, stood upon the ascent of a hill by w hich the battalions 
marched, and, with a pleasing kindness, took his leave severally of the com¬ 
manders of every regiment, wishing them happy success, with a constant 
promise that if the weather did not hinder him, he would meet them at Lisbon 
with the fleet.” 

In the march to Lisbon, Don Antonio, who was with the 
army, expected that the nobility and chiefs of the country would 
have met him, and tendered their allegiance to him with the offer 
of such forces as they might be able to raise to support his claim 
to the throne; but no one appeared except a company of poor 
peasants, without hose or shoes, and one gentleman, who pre¬ 
sented him with a basket of cherries and plums. The troops, 
on their way, took the town of Torres Vedras, with little or no 
resistance, except a few skirmishes, in all of which the Spaniards 
had the worst of it; and on the 25th they came before Lisbon. 

The suburbs of St. Katharine or Bona vista were taken without 
opposition ; but the army was received with coldness and indif¬ 
ference, and not the least inclination was apparent on the part of 
the people to declare for the Prince, or to render him any assist¬ 
ance : nor were there any tidings of the ships and men which 
Antonio had been promised by the Emperor of Morocco. The 
army was from day to day diminished by sickness, their provisions 
were rapidly decreasing, they were deficient in ammunition, and 
had not even a field-piece by which they could blow' down one of 
the gates of Lisbon. 



chap. xi.J GROYNE (CORUNNA), AND LISBON. 


161 


On one occasion Essex not only pursued the Spaniards to the 
very gates of Lisbon, but would have rushed in with them had 
not his friend Sir Roger Williams held him back by main force. 
On another occasion he is said to have actually knocked at one 
of the gates of the city. 

For an army to march into the interior of an enemy’s country, 
and up to the very walls of a large fortified city, without the com¬ 
mon implements and ammunition of war, seems to have been a 
most extraordinary error of judgment. Captain William Fenner, 
who calls the whole expedition, from first to last, “ a miserable 
action,” thus describes their position before Lisbon:— 

“ The want of a single piece to make a breach or shoot against the gates 
prevented the English from taking it.—The want of match among the 
soldiers, and of powder for their muskets, forced them to retire, when the 
Spaniards would sally out, in the habits of Portuguese, crying amigos, and 
slay the sick in the rear of the army; disregarding their wants, sick and 
sound together. Three captains, the Provost Marshal and Lieutenant of 
Ordnance being mortally wounded, were left behind for want of carriage.’'’ 

Sir William Monson ascribes the loss of Lisbon to the want of 
field-pieces ; for, he says, 

** The strength consisting in the castle, and we having only an army to 
countenance us, but no means for battery, we were the loss of the victory 
ourselves; for it was apparent, by the intelligence we received, if we had 
presented them with battery, they were resolved to parley, and so, by conse¬ 
quence, to yield, and this was the main and chief reason of the Portuguese 
excuse for not joining with us.” 

Seeing there was nothing further to be done here, the army 
began its march to join Drake at Calais. They were followed 
at a distance by a large body of Spanish troops; and it was 
announced to the General, by one of his scouts, that a certain 
Don Peter Henry de Guzman (Conde de Fuentes), who had 
6000 foot soldiers and 500 horse, had pitched his camp not more 
than 2000 paces from the English army, and had proclaimed that 
they had been routed at Lisbon, and put to flight. Norris, 
highly indignant at this, sent the Don a letter at daylight, under 
his own hand, by a trumpeter, informing him that with his 
army, such as it was, he should be with him before noon to con¬ 
fute his falsehoods, not by words, but arms, if he would only wait 
for his advance, and that then a trial should be made whether ao 
Englishman or a Spaniard would be the first to run away. 

M 




162 


EXPEDITION TO THE 


[chap, XI. 

At the same time, and by the same messenger, the Earl of 
Essex challenged him, or any other Spaniard of his rank, to 
single combat; or, if Don Peter had no taste for it himself, that 
ten Englishmen should try their hands with ten Spaniards. This 
gallant Count, however, not relishing any of these proposals, dis¬ 
appeared with the whole of his force in the middle of the night. 
The trumpeter, with English pertinacity, followed him nearly to 
Lisbon ; but could get no answer to either of the letters, except 
threatening to hang him for daring to bring such messages; but 
the General had written, on the back of the passport, that if any 
violence was offered to his messenger, he would hang the best of 
his Spanish prisoners. 

Drake had, in the first instance, taken possession of the town 
of Cascais, the inhabitants having abandoned it on his landing; 
but on giving his assurance of protection and peaceable inten¬ 
tions, they returned ; he, however, requiring of them that they 
would acknowledge Antonio as their sovereign, and supply the 
fleet with provisions and necessaries. The castle affected to hold 
out: but Drake soon made them surrender, and blew up a great 
portion of it. He seized sixty sail of ships belonging to the 
Hanse towns, which, in defiance of the Queen’s prohibition, had 
arrived there laden with corn and all manner of naval stores, 
evidently designed for a second attempt against England. He 
had already in his passage to Cascais fallen in with and taken 
many ships carrying provisions and naval stores to Lisbon; and 
some, also, of considerable burden, nearly empty, and evidently 
built as ships of war. 

The army, having reached Cascais, and everything being pre¬ 
pared, lost no time in re-embarking ; but the fleet was dispersed 
in a gale, and for seventeen days kept the sea before they could 
reach Vigo; in which interval they cast a great many of the 
men into the sea, who died daily, not only from a fearful sick¬ 
ness raging among them, but from absolute hunger; and it is 
said that many more must have perished from lack of food, 
had not the dreadful mortality been the means of thinning their 
ranks, and thus leaving an increased allowance for the survivors. 
In this deplorable state, it was deemed expedient to land, and 
obtain provisions by force of arms or otherwise. They found 
the number of their effective men not to exceed 2000 : with these 





chap, xi.] GROYNE (CORUNNA), AND LISBON. 


163 


they landed and approached the town on two sides; and though 
the streets were barricadoed, the inhabitants made no resistance, 
the greater part having withdrawn, and carried with them every¬ 
thing of value, except a good store of wine. The invaders, 
therefore, contented themselves with spoiling the country for a 
few miles round, burning the villages and the standing corn ; and 
then, after setting fire to the town, re-embarked. 

It was agreed that Drake should draft the able men into 
twenty of the best ships, and that he should take them to the 
Azores, in the hope of falling in with the Indian return fleet; and 
that Norris, with the rest of the armament, should proceed home¬ 
wards. They had scarcely separated, when a violent storm arose ; 
both the squadrons were dispersed ; and when Norris, twelve days 
afterwards, reached Plymouth, he found that Drake had already 
arrived there with all the Queen’s ships and several others; but 
that many of the merchant adventurers had taken the opportu¬ 
nity, which the storm afforded, of going their own way, and car¬ 
rying the prizes with them, in order to turn them to their own 
advantage. At Plymouth the army was disbanded; and every 
soldier received five shillings and his arms. 

“ From this voyage,” says Camden, “ they returned into England with 
150 pieces of great ordnance and a very rich booty; part of which was di¬ 
vided among the seamen, who began to mutiny, but could not satisfy them. 

“ Most men were of opinion that the English hereby answered all points, 
both of revenge and honour, having in so' short a compass of time taken one 
town by storm, made a glorious assault upon another, driven before them a 
very potent army, landed their forces in four several places, marched seven 
days together in order of battle, and with colours flying, through the enemy’s 
country, attacked a strong and flourishing city with a small handful of men, 
and lodged for three nights in the suburbs of it. Besides that, they beat the 
enemy back to the very gates after they had made a sally ; took two castles 
lying on the sea, and spoiled the enemy of all their stores and ammunition. 

“ However, there were others w ho thought all this was no manner of equi¬ 
valent for the damages sustained in this enterprise; the loss of soldiers and 
seamen by sickness alone amounting to 6,000. 

“ But most certain it is that England was so far a gainer by this expedi¬ 
tion as from that time to apprehend no incursions from Spain, but rather to 
grow more warm and animated against that country.” 

Nothing could be worse than the system, then prevailing, of 
allowing volunteer adventurers to be united in expeditions with 
the naval and military forces of the nation; not could a stronger 





164 


EXPEDITION TO THE 


[chap. XI. 


example of the evils resulting from it be selected than this expe¬ 
dition to Portugal. 

It was said, also, that the two commanders quarrelled ; but 
there does not appear in any of the narratives, nor in their cor¬ 
respondence, the least grounds for such an assertion. Blame 
was attempted to be cast on Sir Francis Drake, for having broken 
his promise to join the army at Lisbon. His promise, however, 
was conditional; as indeed all promises of this nature must be; 
but, says Monson, 

“ He did not keep his promise, and therefore he was much blamed by 
the common consent of all men, imputing the overthrow of the action to 
him. It will not excuse Sir Francis Drake, in his promise made to Sir 
John Norris, though I would utterly have accused him of want of discretion, 
if he had put the fleet to so great an adventure to so little purpose; for his 
being in the harbour of Lisbon was nothing to the taking of the castle, which 
was two miles from thence; and had the castle been taken, the town would 
have been taken of course. 

“ And, moreover, the ships could not furnish the army with more men or 
victuals than they had; wherefore I understand not wherein his going up 
was necessary, and yet the fleet was to endure many hazards to this little 
purpose. For, betwixt Cascaes and Lisbon there are three castles, St. Julian, 
St. Francis, and Belem. The first of the three. I hold one of the most im¬ 
pregnable forts, to seaward, in Europe, by which the fleet was to pass, within 
culliver-shot; though, I confess, the greatest danger was not the passing it 
for, with a reasonable gale of wind, any fort is to be passed with small 
hazard.” 

Monson, however, considers the landing at the Groyne to have 
been the great mistake, the origo malorum : 

“ It was a lingering of the other design, a consuming of victuals, weaken¬ 
ing of the armies by the immoderate drinking of the soldiers, which brought 
a lamentable sickness amongst them, a warning to the Spaniards to strengthen 
Portugal, and, what was more than all this, a discouragement to proceed 
farther, being repulsed in the first attempt.” 

The letters, which the two commanders wrote from Plymouth, 
point out the ill effects which had ensued from the parsimony of 
the Government, even in the supply of articles absolutely neces¬ 
sary for the support of life. The Queen was anxious to avenge 
the insults of her enemies, and to carry the war into their 
country; and she contributed as far as her means would allow 
her: but the history of her reign shows the extreme difficulty 



chap, xi.] GROYNE (CORUNNA), AND LISBON. 


l05 


of raising the necessary supplies, and the defective system of 
warfare thence resulting. 

r l he ‘ True Discourse,’ however, maintains that one of the 
great purposes of the expedition, as a blow against Philip, was 
fully answered. 

“ In this short time of our adventure, we have wonne a towne by escalade, 
battered and assaulted another, overthrown a mighty prince’s power in the 
field, landed our army in three several parts of his kingdom, marched seven 
days in the heart of his country, lyen three nights in the suburbes of his 
principal citie, beaten his forces into the gates thereof, and possessed two of 
his frontier forts; spoiled a great part of the provision he had made at the 
Groyne of all sorts, for a newe voyage into England, burnt three of his ships, 
whereof one was the second in the last expedition, taken from him 150 pieces 
of good artillarie, cut off more than 60 hulks, and 20 French ships well 
manned, fit and ready to serve him as men of warre against us, laden for his 
store with corn, victuals, masts, cables, and other merchandizes; slain and 
taken the principal men of warre he had in Galatia ; and made Don Pedro de 
Gusman, Conde de Fuentes, shamefully runne at Peniche.” 

It is quite certain that all the adventurers in this expedition 
were disappointed and dissatisfied ; the destruction, instead of the 
capture, of ships and property diminished their share of booty, 
for which alone most of them had volunteered on the enterprise. 
Among others the Dutchmen made a demand of 5019/. on Drake 
and Norris for the services of forty-four vessels employed in the 
conveyance of troops ; and about one-half that sum was allowed 
them. 

But among the most disappointed of the adventurers, for he 
was strictly such, was the exiled Don Antonio. The case of 
this poor claimant of a throne was a most distressing one, and 
had now become more hopeless than ever. The Queen afforded 
him some temporary relief; but he had nothing more to expect 
in England, and therefore repaired to France, where he hoped to 
find friends; but in this he was disappointed, and wandering as 
an exile through the various countries of Europe, he died in 
Paris in the year 1595 ; at which time his only follower was a 
Portuguese noble, Don Diego Bothei, who attended his master 
to the last with unshaken fidelity, and only asked, as the reward 
of all his services, to be buried at his feet. 

As to Essex, who embarked in the enterprise contrary to the 
Queen’s commands, his fortunes were desperate at the time; but 
by some means or other he had succeeded in procuring a ship 





166 


EXPEDITION TO LISBON. 


[chap. XI. 


well-armed and manned, in which he captured several prizes 
previous to his joining the expedition, and therefore had less 
cause to be disappointed than others. 

The following letter to the Vice-Chamberlain was written by 
him before his departure for Portugal: — 

g IR> March, 1589. 

What my courses may have been I need not repeat, for no man knoweth 
them better than yourself. What my state is now, I will tell you : my re¬ 
venue no greater than it was when I sued my livery; my debts, at the least, 
two or three-and-twenty thousand pounds. Her Majesty’s goodness hath 
been so great, as I could not ask more of her. Noway left to repair myself 
but mine own adventure, which I had much rather undertake than to offend 
Her Majesty, with sutes, as 1 have done heretofore. If I speed well I will 
adventure to be rich ; if not, I will never leiev to see the end of my poverty. 
And so wishing that this letter, which I have left for you, may come to your 
hands, I commit you to God’s good protection. 

From my study some few days before my departure. 

Your assured friend, 

Essex.* 

To my honourable friend, 

Mr. Vice-Chamberlain. 

This young nobleman was fortune’s favourite child, caressed 
and loved by every one, from the Queen downwards ; and he 
possessed all those amiable and great qualities which are given 
to him by the writer of the Latin narrative of the present expe¬ 
dition, “ Summo omnium applausu et Isetitia excipitur ; est enim 
propter virtutes animi, corporisque dotes, generis et familise 
nobilitatem, et in re militari scientiam, et industriam, nobilis 
longe gratissimus.” j" Elizabeth was so pleased with the heroism 
he had displayed, that, on his return, she took the earliest oppor¬ 
tunity of showering honours and rewards upon him—made him 
Commander-in-Chief and Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland ; created 
him Earl Marshal of England, and employed him on various 
important services. 


* Burley’s State Papers. 


f ‘ Ephemeris Expeditionis.’ 






chap, xii.] VOYAGE OF DRAKE AND HAWKINS, &c. 


167 


CHAPTER XII. 

VOYAGE OF DRAKE AND HAWKINS TO THE 
SPANISH COLONIES. 

1590—1596. 

Letter of Drake to Prince Henry de Bourbon, and his reply—A fleet fitted 
out under Drake and Hawkins—Its object—Attack on the Grand Canary 
fails—The fleet separates in a storm—Meet at Guadaloupe—Death of 
Hawkins—Sir F. Clifford and Master Browne killed by shot from the 
forts—Unsuccessful attack by the pinnaces of the squadron—La Hacha, 
Rancheria, Santa Martha, and Nombre de Dios taken—Attempt to reach 
Panama fails—Death of Drake—Return of Expedition—Character of 
Drake by Fuller, Stow, and others—Review of his career. 

It was some years after the return from the last expedition, before 
Sir Francis Drake was appointed to the command of another : but 
a man of his active and enterprising spirit was not likely to remain 
in a state of inactivity*. The first we hear of him is by a letter 
written by him, in Latin, to the Prince Henry de Bourbon. This 
letter, and the Prince’s reply, are to be found in Rymer’s 
4 Foedera.’ The following are translations :— 

To the Prince Henry de Bourbon. 

After it was made known here that the common enemy of the two 
kingdoms had landed forces at Nunnetum (Brittany), Her Most Serene Ma¬ 
jesty, my Mistress, by the advice of her Council, commanded a small vessel 
(celox) to be fitted out as speedily as possible, and that I should repair into 
the ports of the northern provinces (Armoricse) and discover, by every fit 
means, what these Spaniards may be contriving; in what places they abide, 
and what is the state of their affairs. 

I have therefore considered that, of all these matters, I should be made 
more certain from no one so well as from Your Highness, whose authority is 
omnipotent through the whole country, and may be acted upon safely in such 
affairs. 

For this purpose, as is meet, I earnestly beseech, with all entreaty, that it 
may not seem troublesome to Your Highness, concerning the councils, the 






168 


VOYAGE OF DRAKE AND HAWKINS [chap. xii. 


preparations and the designs of those enemies, which are things very neces¬ 
sary you should be made acquainted with ; also that you would communicate 
with me, as early as possible, hoping (as I pray without ceasing to our Lord 
Jesus Christ, the King of kings) that the ferocity of this common enemy may 
speedily yield to the benefit of France and England. 

Francis Drake. 

Datse a.d.n. Idus Novembris, 1590. 

Henry Bourbon, Prince of the Dombje, to the Most Renowned 

Francis Drake.—Health. 

It is a royal act (most illustrious Knight), of one’s own accord to succour 
the wretched. Then how much more royal is the mind of your Queen, that 
so many and such great kindnesses should be manifested towards the Most 
Christian King, and all France, more especially in these times, in which she 
hath often sent troops and succour against an invading enemy. 

But lest it should seem that one part only of the kingdom of France should 
be taken care of, and the rest neglected, as soon as it was known that a mili¬ 
tary force of Spain had landed in this province, and that you, a man cele¬ 
brated by fame and noble deeds, are desirous of knowing from me what 
should be done, and where the enemy is posted—this is what you ask me in 
your letter. 

Most willingly and truly I obey the commands of such a Queen, and will 
satisfy your desire. 

YY>ur Lordship therefore may be informed that the common enemy now 
occupies the city, which, in the country idiom, is called Hennebon; is 
blockading both it and the port, which is not far from the city, and which 
we call Blaovet, and is there constructing a strong fortified citadel. 

If these enterprises be not, as quickly as possible, provided against, it is 
to be feared lest this injury, which seems to be destined for us, may end in 
detriment to your republic. 

Now I, relying on your advice, have sent a letter to the Queen, your 
Mistress, concerning these affairs, by a noble person, the Viscount Turen, 
who visited England by command of His Most Christian Majesty: and I 
have earnestly entreated for auxiliary forces; but I also now, in another 
letter to the Queen, have requested the same thing; and I eagerly entreat 
you, most Excellent Sir, that you would strengthen my petition before the 
Queen, as much as possible, by your authority and favour.—Accept the rest 
from a Nobleman who is wanting in words : 

Tuus ad omnia paratissimus. 

Henry de Bourbon 

The King of Spain had every facility for these incursions, 
owing to the proximity of the Duke of Parma; who, remember¬ 
ing his former remissness, might be glad of an opportunity to 
reinstate himself in the good graces of Philip. Besides, the 
confusion into which France was thrown, by the murder of the 




CHAP. XII.] 


TO THE SPANISH COLONIES. 


169 


Duke of Guise, and of Henry III., gave great encouragement to 
the Spaniards. But Elizabeth, ever awake to the dangers of the 
country, sent a reinforcement to Henry IV. of 4000 men, to join 
the French at Dieppe, and a further supply under the Earl of 
Essex. She also, in the same year, sent out a squadron of seven 
of her ships, under the command of Lord Thomas Howard, with 
Sir Richard Greenvil his Vice-Admiral, with order to proceed 
to the Azores to intercept the Plata fleet: but Philip, being 
apprised of it, despatched a fleet of more than fifty sail. They met 
and fought; but the superior strength of the Spaniards was so 
great, that the English were compelled to give way ; with the 
exception of Sir Richard Greenvil, who, alone, in the Revenge, 
fought, with the most determined bravery, the whole Spanish 
fleet for twelve hours, repulsing the enemy, who boarded him 
fifteen times; he was twice wounded, and carried down; he re¬ 
ceived a shot in the head, and the surgeon, who was dressing his 
wounds, was killed by his side. In this hopeless state he advised 
that they should sink the ship rather than yield ; but most of the 
crew opposed it, and she was taken. 

“ The only ship of war,” says Monson, “ that was yet taken by the Spa¬ 
niards ; and of no avail to them, the Revenge having gone down with 200 
Spaniards in her.” 

This noble and heroic commander survived the action but a 
few days ; but his death was as noble as his life. According to 
Camden, he said— 

“ Here I, Richard Greenvil, die with a joyful and quiet mind; for that I 
have ended my life as a true soldier ought to do, fighting for his country, 
Queen, religion, and honour : my soul willingly departing from this body, 
leaving behind the lasting fame of having behaved as every valiant soldier is 
in his duty bound to do.” 

In the parliament of 1592-3, Drake, who sat for Plymouth, 
had various duties assigned to him, and his name appears upon 
all the committees on public business; and the bills from several 
of them were put into his hands. He recommended strong mea¬ 
sures to be taken by sea and land, as Philip was powerful on 
both ; and spoke and voted for a grant or aid of three subsidies 
being given to the Queen for that purpose. Sir Martin I ro- 
bisher was sent to sea with a fleet to harass the trade of 
Spain; and when the parliament was dissolved, in 1593, the 




170 


VOYAGE OF D1UKE AND HAWKINS [chap. xii. 


Queen gave notice that she intended to place a fleet under Sii 
Francis Drake; who accordingly, in the following year, made his 
arrangements, and associated with him his old friend and early 
patron, Sir John Hawkins. 

This expedition was unfortunate in its progress, and fatal in its 
termination. It is remarkable that Sir John Hawkins, at his 
advanced age, being between seventy-five and eighty, in wealthy 
circumstances, and after having been twenty-two years Treasurer 
of the Navy, should have volunteered, as it appears he did, upon 
a second hazardous and unhealthy voyage. Five years before, 
the Queen had appointed him and Sir Martin Frobisher to the 
command of a squadron of ten of her best ships, to scour the 
coast of Spain, and destroy any shipping belonging to that country 
which they should fall in with. Although at sea for seven 
months, they did not take a single ship; they attempted Fayal, 
and found it too strong for them ; and the carracks from the 
Indies, on which their chief hopes depended, had slipped into 
Lisbon, unseen. All these disappointments annoyed Sir John 
Hawkins to such a degree, that he could not refrain from writing 
an apology to the Queen for their want of success ; reminding 
her Majesty that the Scripture says, “ Paul planteth and Apollos 
watereth, but God givetli the increase.” This allusion to Scrip¬ 
ture elicited one of her usual bursts, “ God’s death !” she ex¬ 
claimed, “ this fool went out a soldier, and is come home a 
divine.” 

It is probable that the desire of increasing his wealth, redeem¬ 
ing his character with the Queen, or serving his country, all 
of them powerful motives, might induce him to hazard 
his fortune, his reputation, and his person a second time in this 
dangerous service. But it has been said that he had a still more 
laudable object in view ;—the redeeming his son, Captain Richard 
Hawkins, who was at this time a prisoner in the hands of the 
Spaniards in South America. 

Captain Hawkins had, in the year 1593, fitted out two ships 
for the South Sea; one of which deserted him on the coast of 
Brazil. He, however, in his single ship, passed through the Strait 
of Magelhaens, took two prizes on the other side, and was attacked 
on the coast of Peru by Admiral de Castro, with a squadron of 
eight sail, and 2000 men on board. From this overwhelming 



CHAP. XU. ] 


TO THE SPANISH COLONIES. 


171 


force Hawkins, by superior seamanship, found means to disengage 
himself, after doing considerable damage to the Spaniards ; but, 
in consequence of his staying too long in that part of the South 
Sea, in the hope of taking more prizes, De Castro, now much 
reinforced, again fell in with him ; and after a gallant defence 
for three days and three nights, most of his men being killed, 
himself dangerously wounded, and his ship in a sinking state, he 
was compelled to surrender; on the honourable terms, however, 
that he and the survivors of his crew should have a free passage 
to England as soon as might be. 

Notwithstanding this agreement, he remained a long time in 
South America as a prisoner; where, however, he was treated 
with great humanity by Admiral de Castro; and in the end was 
sent a prisoner to Spain, where he was kept for several years. 
What were the means which his father proposed to adopt for 
his release does not appear, whether by threats, or terror, or 
ransom. 

That Drake should cheerfully join his early friend and patron 
in such a project is not surprising: his warm and affectionate 
regard for the man who had first brought him forward in his 
career, with whom he had fought against the Armada, and with 
whom he lived in ties of the strictest friendship, were quite suffi¬ 
cient to induce him to enter into the scheme. But he had 
another still stronger inducement—the inveterate hatred he bore 
the Spaniards, who, unceasing in their animosity towards Eng¬ 
land, were contemplating another Invincible Armada. He was 
also anxious to propitiate the Queen by the offer of his services, 
which he had every reason to know would be acceptable. Mon- 
son, in his usual caustic manner, says— 

“ These two Generals (Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins), pre¬ 
suming much upon their own experience and knowledge, used many argu¬ 
ments to persuade the Queen to undertake this voyage to the West Indies, 
assuring her what great services they should perform, and promising to en 
gage very deeply in the adventure themselves, both with their substance and 
their persons: and such was the opinion every one had conceived of these 
two valiant Commanders, that great were the expectations of the success of 
this voyage.” 

The squadron which the Queen ordered to be fitted out to act 
against the Spanish colonies in America, and to be placed under 





172 


VOYAGE OF DRAKE AND HAWKINS [chap. xii. 


the command of Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins, con¬ 
sisted of the following ships and commanders— 

The Defiance, Admiral Sir Francis Drake. 

Garland, Vice-Admiral Sir John Hawkins. 

Hope, Captain Gilbert York. 

Buonaventure, Captain Troughton. 

Foresight, Captain Winter. 

Adventure, Captain Thomas Drake. 

Commander by land, Sir Thomas Baskerville. 

About twenty others were furnished by individuals ; and there 
can be no doubt that both the Admirals were large contributors 
of the expense. There were also three other officers, of the 
name of Baskerville, besides the Commander, two of them cap¬ 
tains, and one sergeant-major; also Sir Nicholas Clifford, lieu¬ 
tenant-general, and eight other captains for the land service. 

The destination of the expedition was Puerto Rico; to 
which place the Queen had been informed that a vast treasure 
had been brought for the purpose of being sent home for the 
use of the King of Spain in completing the third grand arma 
ment for the invasion of England, the second having been 
destroyed by Drake. One grand object of the present enter¬ 
prise was to intercept this treasure, and thereby cut off the 
main supply of the King’s navy and army destined for that 
purpose. 

The first intention, however, had been to land the troops at 
Nombre de Dios, and proceed direct from thence over the 
isthmus to Panama, in order to seize the treasure, annually 
brought thither from the mines of Mexico and Peru: but, a few 
days before their departure from Plymouth, they received letters 
sent by order of the Queen, informing them that advices had 
been received from Spain, announcing the arrival of the West 
Indian or Plata fleet; but that one of the most valuable of the 
ships had lost her mast and put into the island of Puerto Rico ; 
and it was therefore her Majesty’s recommendation that they 
should proceed direct to that island, to secure this portion of the 
treasure, more especially as it was not much out of their way to 
Nombre de Dios. 

The following is the joint reply of Drake and Hawkins to 
Lord Burleigh, acknowledging the receipt of her Majesty’s 




CHAP. XII.] 


TO THE SPANISH COLONIES. 


173 


letter. It appears to have been the last dispatch that either of 
them ever wrote:— 

Drake and Hawkins to Lord Burleigh. 

Our dewty in most humble maner remembryd, yt may please yo r 'Lo ship 
we have answeryd her Ma ties letter, we hope to her heighnes contentmente 
whome we wold nott wetyngly or wyllyngly displease. We humbly thanke 
your Lo ship for yo r manyfold favours w ch we have allwayes fownd never 
varyable, but w lh all favour, loue and constancye for w ch we can never be 
suffycyently thanckfull but w l our prayers to god long to blesse yo. good 
Lo ship wt honour & healthe. 

We thynke yt be trew that some small man of warre be taken upon the 
cost of spayne but they are of very small moment, they be for the most pt 
soche small carvells as was before this taken from the Spanyards, some small 
nomber of our men are yet in spayne, w* ys the onely losse, but, as we lerne, 
ther be not above one hundrethe left in spayne of them but many retornyd, 
alreddy into Inglond. 

& so lokyng daylye for a good wynd we humbly take our leve from ply- 
mothe the 18 of August 1595. 

Your 11. ever most bownden 

Fra : Drake. John Hawkyns.* 

(Note in a contemporary hand, at the bottom of the letter.) 

The q. sent these two brave sea captaines w lh a Fleet to Porto Rico in 
America, belonging to y e Spanyard, having heard of a great mass of tresure 
brought thither. But it is proved an unsuccessful attempt. And neither of 
y m returned ever home again, both dying at sea at different places, in this 
vqyage. 

To the Ry l honorable 

our syngular good lord the Lo. heigh Tresorer of Inglond, 
gyve this at the Court. 

The expedition left Plymouth on the 28th of August, 1595, 
but did not get clear of the land till the last day of that month. 
They then directed their course to Grand Canary, the principal 
island of the group that bears that name, but did not reach it 
until the 27th of September. An attempt to subdue this island, 
and take possession of it, failed. Hawkins had remonstrated 
against this attempt as a loss of time, and as being contrary to 
the Queen’s wishes and to their main design: but Drake and 
Baskerville decided for it; and particularly the latter, who under¬ 
took to get possession of it in four days ; urging that it would be 
very desirable to victual the whole squadron there, which could 
only be done by having uninterrupted possession of the town. 
The seamen, it was said, were already complaining of the scarcity 

* Harleian MSS., British Museum. 





174 


VOYAGE OF DRAKE AND HAWKINS [ciiap. xii. 


of provisions ; and so many reasons were assigned that Hawkins 
reluctantly submitted. This decision turned out to be the first 
misfortune in their progress; for they were unable to land the 
fourteen hundred men in the boats on account of the surf, without 
incurring too great a risk. However they succeeded in watering 
the ships on the western side of the island. Here Captain 
Grimston, and his boat’s crew, straggling to some distance 
from the shore, were set upon by some herdsmen, who with their 
dogs and staves killed him and most of his men, wounded the 
rest, and took the surgeon of one of the ships prisoner. This 
man told them all he knew concerning the object of the voyage; 
upon which the governor dispatched a caraval to all the places 
he had named to announce the danger. 

Leaving this island and approaching Martinico, Drake, who 
was a-head with four or five ships, was separated from the rest of 
the fleet by a sudden storm ; but they joined company at Guada- 
loupe. Here they watered, washed the ships, set up the pinnaces, 
the materials of which they had carried out, and landed the men, 
that they might refresh themselves on shore. 

On the 8th of November the squadron came to anchor within 
the Virgin Islands : here they stayed four days; the two last in 
a sound, which Drake in his barge had discovered. They then 
stood for the eastern end of Puerto Rico, where Sir John Haw¬ 
kins breathed his last on the 12th of the month. It is asserted 
by some of the old writers that there was some difference of 
opinion between him and Drake, which preyed on his mind so 
greatly as to cause his death: there does not, however, appear tc 
have been any disagreement between them, except as to their stay 
at the Canaries; and that was owing chiefly to the confidence ex 
pressed by the military commander. The unfortunate circum 
stance of their whole plan of operations being anticipated by the 
authorities of Nombre de Dios and Panama, no doubt gave him 
a considerable degree of annoyance ; but his great age, and 
exposure to a most unhealthy climate, which was carrying off 
hundreds of stronger men, sufficiently account for his death. 

Sir Thomas Baskerville took possession of the Garland as 
second in command; and the fleet came to anchor at the distance 
of two miles or less from the eastern side of the town of San 
Juan de Puerto Rico, 



CHAP. XII.] 


TO THE SPANISH COLONIES. 


175 


“ Where,” says Hakluyt, “ we received from their forts and places, where 
they planted ordnance, some twenty-eight great shot, the last of which strake 
-he Admiral (ship) through the misen, and the last but one strake through 
her quarter into the steerage, the General being there at supper, and strake 
the stool from under him, but hurt him not, but hurt at the same table Sir 
Nicholas Clifford, Mr. Browne, Captain Stratford, with one or two more. 
Sir Nicholas Clifford and Master (Brute) Browne died of their hurts.” 

Browne was an old friend and particular favourite of Drake ; 
who is said on this occasion to have exclaimed, “ Ah, dear Brute, 
I could grieve for thee ! but now is no time for me to let down 
my spirits.” This, Fuller tells us, he had from Henry Drake, 
who was present. 

The following morning the whole fleet came to anchor before 
the point of the harbour without the town, a little to the west¬ 
ward, where they remained till nightfall; and then twenty-five 
pinnaces, boats, and shallops, well-manned and furnished with 
fire-works and small shot, entered the road. The great castle or 
galleon, the object of the present enterprise, had been completely 
repaired, and was on the point of sailing, when certain intelli¬ 
gence, of the intended attack by Drake, reached the island. 
Every preparation had been made for the defence of the harbour 
and town; the whole of the treasure had been landed, and the 
galleon was sunk in the mouth of the harbour; a floating barrier 
of masts and spars was laid on each side of her, near to the forts 
and castles, so as to render the entrance impassable; within this 
breakwater w^ere the five zabras moored, their treasure also having 
been taken out; all the women and children and infirm people 
were removed into the interior, and none but men able to act in 
defence of the town were left in it. A heavy fire was opened on 
the ships of the English ; but the adventurers persisted in their 
desperate attempt, until they had lost, by their own account, some 
forty or fifty men killed, and as many wounded ; but as far as that 
w r as any consolation, they had reason to believe that the loss to 
the Spaniards was considerably greater; for the five zabras and 
a large ship of four hundred tons were burnt; and their several 
cargoes of silk, oil, and wine, which were destroyed, were reported 
by one of the prisoners to be wortli three millions of ducats, or 
five-and-thirty tons of silver. Defeated in the main object, but 
not disheartened, the advanced party of pinnaces and small 
vessels, which had been engaged, returned to the fleet in the 




176 


VOYAGE OF DRAKE AND HAWKINS. [chap, xil 


offing, which remained at anchor the next day ; and then removed 
to the south-west point of the island to set up more pinnaces, 
wash the ships, and refresh their crews. 

They next proceeded to the Caribbean shore, and took the 
town of La Hac.ha; but were satisfied with a ransom offered 
by the inhabitants of thirty-four thousand ducats. From hence 
they proceeded along the coast, and took the town or village of 
Rancheria, after seizing a quantity of pearls, with other pillage, 
and a brigantine, having on board some pearls and silver. The 
inhabitants at length consented to pay a ransom for the town of 
twenty-four thousand ducats, and one prisoner promised to give 
four thousand ducats for his own ransom. In four days they 
brought the town’s ransom in pearls, but rated them so dear that 
Drake refused to receive them ; he, however, gave the people a 
respite of four hours to bring the required amount of treasure. 

The Spanish Governor himself now made his appearance, and 
told the General plainly that he cared not for the town, nei¬ 
ther would he ransom it; that the pearls were brought without 
his consent; that he should have been sooner on the spot, but 
that he had to warn all the towns on the coast of their danger, 
that the inhabitants might convey all their goods, cattle, and 
wealth into the woods. The General dismissed him, having 
given him his promise of safe conduct for two hours. The towns 
of Rancheria and of Rio de la Hacha were then burnt down to 
the ground, excepting the churches and the house of a lady, 
who, having written to Drake, imploring his clemency, was 
specially favoured by him. 

The expedition afterwards burnt several other small villages 
on the coast, and then took possession of Santa Martha; which, 
when it was ascertained that no ransom whatever could be ob¬ 
tained for it, they also burnt. 

After these operations, as little interesting as they are credit¬ 
able to the English character, but which it cannot be doubted 
originated, not in Drake’s free will, but in the instructions under 
which he acted, they proceeded to the port of Nombre de Dios, 
which had been originally intended as their first destination. 
The town was easily taken, after a short resistance from-about 
100 Spaniards, all the rest having fled. A volley from three or 
four small pieces of ordnance and a few musket shots sufficed 




CHAP. XII.] 


177 


TO THE SPANISH COLONIES. 


to clear the town; but the captors, finding neither booty nor 
ransom, destroyed the place with all the frigates, barks, and 
galliots that were in the harbour and on the beach : those on 
the beach had houses built over them to keep the pitch from 
melting. In a watch-house on the top of a hill, near the town, 
they found twenty “sowes” of silver, two bars of gold, some 
pearl, coined money, and other trifling articles. 

It was now decided that an attempt should be made on Panama ; 
where it was considered as almost certain that a large quantity of 
treasure would be found, that place being the grand repository of 
all the Peruvian gold and silver. For this purpose 750 soldiers 
were selected to march across the isthmus to Panama, under the 
command of Sir Thomas Baskerville. Whether he relied on 
receiving the same cordial assistance from the Symerons, or 
Maroons, which Drake had formerly had, does not appear ; but 
if so, he must have been grievously disappointed ; for the natives 
proved enemies instead of friends, and greatly harassed the Eng¬ 
lish with showers of small shot from the woods on their passage 
through some narrow defiles. “ The march was so sore,” says 
Hakluyt, “ as never Englishmen marched before.” Finding, 
moreover, that further on, the pass was defended by three newly- 
erected forts, it was deemed prudent to abandon the enterprise 
and make the best of their way back to the fleet. Accordingly 
they retraced their steps, wretchedly harassed, and half-starved ; 
after having marched about half way to the shore of the South 
Sea. Their loss on this occasion amounted to five or six officers 
and nearly ninety men. 

This change of circumstances in the two important stations of 
Nombre de Dios and Panama, since Drake’s celebrated visit, 
might readily have been expected: but it is evident that the new 
forts on the isthmus had been erected in consequence of the 
information recently received ; and that the extraordinary delay 
in the expedition, occasioned by their having visited and alarmed 
so many different places, had given the Spaniards full time to 
complete them. This was a bitter mortification to Sir Francis 
Drake ; and, sick as we learn he already was, no doubt greatly 
tended to accelerate his death. The closing scene of his eventful 
life is thus given by Hakluyt:— 

u On the 15th January, on their way towards Puerto Bello, Captain they 

N 




178 


VOYAGE OF DRAKE AND HAWKINS [chap.xii. 


died of sickness, and then Sir Francis Drake began to keep his cabin and to 
complain of a scowring or fluxe. On the 23rd they set sail and stood up 
again for Puerto Bello, which is but three leagues to the westward of Nom- 
bre de Dios. 

“ On the 28th, at 4 of the clock in the morning, our General Sir Francis 
Drake departed this life, havinge been extremely sicke of a fluxe, which 
began the night before to stop on him. He used some speeches at, or a little 
before, his death, rising and apparelling himselfe, but being brought to bed 
againe, within one hour died.” 

“ They moved on to Puerto Bello, and after coming to anchor in the bay, 
and the solemn burial of our Generali in the sea, Sir Thomas Baskerville 
being aboord the Defiance, where Mr. Bride made a sermon, having to his 
audience all the Captaines in the fleete. Sir Thomas having commanded all 
aboord the Garland, with whom he held a council, and there showing his 
commission, was accepted for Generali.” 

He received a sailor’s funeral very near to the place where his 
great reputation was first established: his body was committed 
to the deep in a leaden coffin, with all due solemnity. 

After such a loss, coming as it did after so many others, all 
idea of further proceedings was abandoned; and the expedition 
returned home, under the command of Sir Thomas Baskerville. 
On their voyage they were attacked near the Isles of Pines, off 
Cuba, by a Spanish fleet of twenty sail, being a part of the 
sixty ships sent out from Carthagena to intercept the English 
fleet, the remainder having directed their course to the Havana. 
Baskerville in the Defiance, and Trough ton in the Garland, 
gave them so warm a reception that, after an action of two hours, 
in which several of their best ships were damaged, and one of 
them set on fire and burnt, they sheered off. The Spaniards, 
however, as usual, published a vapouring account, in which they 
asserted that the English ran away, and that they pursued them, 
but could not overtake them. Monson says that their General, 
Don Bernardino, “ who had a string of names as long as a 
cable,” was an approved coward, and showed himself to be such 
when lie encountered the English fleet; but that his cowardice 
was compensated for by the valour of his Vice-Admiral, Juan 
de Garay, who behaved himself bravely. 

Don Bernardino certainly proved himself to be a poltroon. 
When Baskerville learned the scandalous falsehood which he had 
published, he demanded satisfaction; and told him that he was 
ready to meet him in any spot, or in any country that he would 



CHAT. XII.J 


TO THE SPANISH COLONIES. 


179 


name, which was at peace with Spain and England ; but the 
Don thought it best not to answer the call, and quietly sub¬ 
mitted to be publicly branded as a vain boaster and a coward. 

The English expedition reached home in the beginning of 
May, 159(1, with very little booty: the small towns which had 
been burned, and the ships which had been destroyed, were 
but a poor recompense for the loss of two of the ablest sea- 
officers in Europe. 

That the loss of Drake was severely felt is sufficiently mani¬ 
fested by the numerous testimonials as to his services and cha¬ 
racter that appeared in verse and prose; and his mental and 
personal qualifications were set forth in glowing terms by several 
of the old annalists; particularly by Stow and Fuller. The 
former says, 

“ He was more skillfull in all poyntes of nauigation then any that ever 
was before his time, in his time, or since his death; he was also of a perfect 
memory, great observation, eloquent by nature, skillfull in Artillery, expert 
and apt to let bloud, and give physick unto his people according to the 
climate; he was low of stature, of strong limbs, broad breasted, round 
headed, browne hayre, full bearded, his eyes rounde, large and clear, well 
favoured, fayre and of a charefull countenance. His name was a terror to 
the French, Spanyard, Portugall and Indians; many Princes of Italy, Ger¬ 
many, and other, as well enemies as friends, in his life time desired his 
picture. He was the second that euer went through the Straights of Magel- 
lanes, and the first that euer wente rounde about the worlde: he was law¬ 
fully married unto two wives both young, yet he himself and ten of his 
brethren died without issue: he made his younger brother Thomas his 
heire, who was with him in most and chiefest of his Imploymentes; in 
briefe hee was as famous in Europe and America as Tamberlayne in Asia 
and Affrica. 

{ Ambitious for Honor. 

Unconstant in Amity. 

Greatly affected to popularity. 

“ He was fifty and five yeares old when he died.” 

“ If,” says Fuller, “ any should be desirous to know something of the 
character of Sir Francis Drake’s person, he was of stature low, but set and 
strong grown : a very religious man towards God and his houses, generally 
sparing the churches wereever he came: chaste in his life, just in his deal¬ 
ings, true of his word, merciful to those that were under him, and hating 
nothing so much as idlenesse: in matters (especially) of moment, he was 
never wont to rely on other men’s care, how trusty or skilful soever they 
might seem to be, but always contemning danger, and refusing no toyl; 
he was wont himself to be one (who ever was a second) at every turn, where 
courage, skill, or industry, was to be employed.” 




180 


VOYAGE OF DRAKE AND HAWKINS [chap. xii. 


Galled as Spain had been for so many years by the number¬ 
less victories obtained over her by Drake, it is not surprising 
that her writers should have treated his memory severely; but 
it is to be regretted that so eminent a poet as Lopez de Vega 
should have indulged in such invective as he has done, in his 
poem called Dragontca. Even Lord Holland, the great admirer 
of this man, says that his poem is full of virulent and unpoetical 
abuse; he might have added that it is a tissue of falsehood and 
blasphemy, as scandalous and revolting as ever was committed 
to paper; and not against Drake alone, but also against Queen 
Elizabeth and all her gallant officers. Describing the death of 
Sir Francis Drake, he says, 

44 His own people, instigated by the furies, gave him poison ; that being 
aware of it he refused all food, but then the poison was concealed in his 
medicine, and thus worked its effect. Behold the desolation and the ruin 
of this bold and untameable man. Behold the miserable kind of death 
that has dragged the soul from the body into hell.”* 

The traitor Allen, although he ceased his persecuting slan¬ 
ders of Drake, after his death, yet ordered his portrait to be 
removed from a painter’s collection in Rome, where it happened 
to be placed next to that of Philip. 

44 At the sight of this,” says Strype, 44 the Cardinal’s Mace-bearer (Allen) 
was enraged with many passionate Italian words, as an insufferable indignity 

* ~ | 

* It is somewhat curious to see our gallant Admiral assume the character 

of a poet. In the year 1583 a book was published by Sir Humphrey Gil¬ 
bert, Knight, entitled 44 A True Report of the late discoveries, and pos¬ 
session taken in the righte of the Crowne of Englande, of the Newfound 
Landes,” to which, as was usual in those days, was appended 44 Commenda¬ 
tions by principal persons friendly to the author or the work.” Among 
these we find the following:— 

Sir Frauncis Drake, Knight, in commendation of the above Treatise. 
44 Who seekes by worthie deedes to gaine renowne for hire, 

Whose hart, whose hand, w hose purse is prest to purchase his desire, 

If anie such there bee, that thirsteth after fame, 

Lo, heare a meane, to winne himself an everlasting name; 

Who seekes by gaine and wealth to advance his house and blood, 

Whose care is great, whose toile no lesse, whose hope is all for good, 

If anie one there bee that covettes such a trade, 

Lo heere the plot for commonwealth, and private gaine is made, 

He that for vertue’s sake will venture farr and neere, 

Whose zeale is strong, whose practize truetli, whose faith is void of feere, 
]f any such there bee, inflamed with holie care, 

Heere may hee finde a readie meane, his purpose to declare. 

So that for each degree, this Treatise dooth unfolde, 

The path to fa ne, the proofe of zeale. and way to purchase golde. 

44 Fraunces Drake.” 





CHAP. XII.] 


TO THE SPANISH COLONIES. 


181 


offered to that great Catholic King. And this was not all, but notice 
was immediately given by him to the Cardinal at the palace; and a mes¬ 
senger despatched back to put Drake’s picture down; though the painter 
himself, out of fear, presently did it, and notwithstanding came to trouble 
about it. It is well if Drake were not now burnt in effigy.*’ 

Monson, who seizes every occasion to say anything ill-natured 
of Sir Francis Drake, expresses himself thus when speaking of 
his death— 

“ Sir Francis Drake, who was wont to rule fortune, now finding his error, 
and the difference between the present strength of the Indies, and what it 
was when he first knew it, grew melancholy upon this disappointment, and 
suddenly, and I do hope naturally, died at Puerto Bello.” 

This insinuation is as gratuitous as it is unfounded and uncha¬ 
ritable. 

“ Upon what,” says Dr. Johnson, “ this conjecture is grounded, does not 
appear ; and we may be allowed to hope, for the honour of so great a man, 
that it is without foundation ; and that he whom no series of success could 
ever betray to vanity or negligence would have supported a change of for¬ 
tune without impatience or dejection.” 

Indeed, the whole course of Drake’s life belies such an insinu¬ 
ation. And surely at a time when death was mowing down hun¬ 
dreds both of officers and men, it is little surprising that the 
two commanders should not escape, both of whom had seen 
enough service to wear out any constitution. Captain Henry 
Savile, who was in the same ship, says, 

“ Sir Francis Drake died of the flux which had growen upon him eight 
days before his death, and yielded up his spirit, like a Christian, to his Crea¬ 
tor, quietly in his cabin.” * 

The following parallel between Drake and Hawkins is from 
the pen of an anonymous writer, (under the signature of R. M.) 
It is given in Prince’s ‘ Worthies of Devon,’ and appears to be 
drawn with fairness and truth :— 

“ They were both alike given to travelling in their youth, and in their 
more mature years. They both attempted many honourable voyages; as 
that of Sir John Hawkins to Guinea, to the isles of America, and to St. Juan 
de Ulloa; so likewise Sir Francis Drake, after many discoveries in the West 
Indies, and other parts, was the first Englishman that ever encompassed the 
globe, in which, as well as in his great knowledge of sea affairs, he far 


* 


Hakluyt. 






182 


VOYAGE OF DKAKE AND HAWKINS [chap. xii. ' 

exceeded, not only Sir John Hawkins, but all others. In theit-natures and 
dispositions they differed as much as in their management of war. Sir 
Francis was of a lively spirit, resolute, quick, and sufficiently Valiant; Sir 
John, slow, jealous, and difficult to be brought to a resolution. In council, 
Sir John Hawkins did often differ from the judgment of others, making a 
show in difficult cases of knowing more than he would declare. Sir Francis 
was a willing hearer of every man’s opinion, but commonly a follower of his 
own. He never attempted any action wherein he was an absolute com¬ 
mander but he performed it with great reputation, and could go through the 
weightiest concerns with wonderful ease. On the contrary, Sir John 
Hawkins was an undertaker of great things ; but for the most part without 
fortune or success. 

Sir John Hawkins naturally hated land-soldiers, and though he was very 
popular, affected to keep company with common people rather than his 
equals; Sir Francis, on the contrary, loved the land-soldiers, always encou¬ 
raged and preferred merit wheresoever he found it, and was affable and easy 
of access. 

“ They had both many virtues, and agreed in some; as in patience in 
enduring labours and hardships ; observation and remembrance of things 
past, and great discretion in sudden dangers. In other virtues they differed: 
Sir John Hawkins was merciful, apt to forgive, and faithful to his word; 
Sir Francis Drake hard to be reconciled, but constant in friendship; and 
withal at the same time, severe and courteous, magnanimous and liberal. 
They were both ambitious to a fault, but one more than the other ; for Sir 
Francis had an insatiable thirst after honour beyond all reason. He was 
full of promises, and more temperate in adversity than in prosperity. He 
had likewise some other imperfections, as quickness to anger, bitterness in 
disgracing, and was too much pleased with sordid flattery. Sir John 
Hawkins had malice with dissimulation, rudeness in behaviour, and was 
covetous in the last degree. They were both alike happy in being great 
commanders, but not equally successful. They both grew great and famous 
by the same means, that is, by their own virtues, courage, and the fortune of 
the sea. There was no comparison, however, between their merits, taken in 
general, for therein Sir Francis far exceeded.” 

To the united efforts of these two brave and indefatigable 
seamen the British navy in its infancy was more indebted than 
to any other individuals, or even to the government. By their 
joint efforts that noble institution, long known as the Chest at 
Chatham , was planned and carried into effect for the humane 
and wise purpose of relieving the wants and rewarding the merits 
of seamen maimed or worn out in the service of their country. 

To the inhabitants of Plymouth the memory of Sir Francis 
Drake, their townsman, must ever be dear: daily and hourly, 
indeed, are they reminded of his good offices towards them, as 





CHAP. XII.] 


TO THE SPANISH COLONIES. 


183 


it is to his enterprise and exertions that they owe the enjoyment 
of one of the greatest blessings bestowed on mankind—a plen¬ 
tiful supply of good fresh water. Before his time the inhabitants 
were obliged to fetch their water and wash their clothes a mile 
from the town : but, by his great skill and industry, a stream of 
fine water was brought into the place. The springs from which 
it is derived are on the side of Dartmoor, and distant seven or 
eight miles in a direct line; but the natural course of the 
stream was twenty-five miles in length : this Drake, by cutting 
a passage for it through rocks, and carrying it over valleys, 
reduced to eighteen ; and the works were completed in a period 
of less than a year. The whole of the expense was not defrayed 
by Sir Francis; as it appears from old records that a sum of 
about 350/. was granted by the corporation to pay the damages 
to the proprietors of the lands. The revenue derived to the 
town at the present time is about 2000/. a-year, and is applied to 
public purposes. Sir Francis built several mills and divers con¬ 
duits on the stream : of these he had a lease for sixty-seven years. 

The declared animosity of Spain rendered it necessary to pay 
special attention to the state of all the southern ports of the 
kingdom, both in England and Ireland. Plymouth was parti¬ 
cularly exposed to attack, and had no fort or works for its 
defence. Sir Francis Drake, therefore, in co-operation with the 
magistracy, addressed a letter to the government. They asked in 
this letter that Lord Burleigh would move her Majesty to contri¬ 
bute towards the building of a fort, and that if 1200/. or 1000/. 
were granted, the inhabitants would never ask for more. That, 
with such a fort, they would be able to withstand the enemy, if 
they were even 50,000 strong, for ten or twelve days at the least; 
and that Sir Francis Drake would contribute, at the least, 100/. 
towards this object. They further requested that her Majesty 
would bestow on them eight or ten brass pieces of ordnance, and 
the rest they would themselves provide; stating that they had 
thirteen pieces planted on the Hoe, borrowed from sundry per¬ 
sons, and about twenty-three on St. Nicholas’ Island (since 
called Drake’s Island), the greater part of which were likewise 
borrowed. 

The letter further stated, that at the time of the Armada such 
was the fear of invasion, that many of the inhabitants conveyed 
their goods and themselves out of the town, and others would 






7 84 


VOYAGE OF DRAKE AND HAWKINS 


CHAP. XII. 


have followed the example had they not been stopped by the 
arrival of Sir Francis Drake, who, to give them the greater 
confidence, brought his wife and family thither. The same 
document shows that on May-day, in each year, 1300 men, well 
appointed, were mustered upon the Hoe ; and that Sir Francis 
established a watch and ward to be kept in the town every night, 
no less than if it were a garrison ; every master tradesman to 
have the charge in rotation, and to watch till midnight, and 
then be relieved by his deputy. Sir Francis himself took the 
first watch.* 

Whenever the exertions of Drake could be of use, publicly or 
individually, he was ever ready to afford his aid. It has been 
mentioned that during his mayoralty he caused “ a compass to 
be erected on the Hoe-hill.” What this compass was has been 
a matter of much doubt; whether a dial, a meridian line, or 
the points of the compass. No traces of any such thing now 
exist; but we know that it was there in the year 1720, one hun¬ 
dred and thirty-seven years after Drake had placed it. This 
appears from a book entitled ‘ Magna Britannia et Hibernia 
Antiqua et Nova,’ printed in the year 1720, in which is the 
following passage : — 

“ Between this town (Plymouth) and the sea is an hill, called the Haw 
(Hoe), on the top of which is a delicate level or plain, which affords a 
very pleasant prospect on all sides, and a curious compasse for the use of 
mariners.” 

One more instance may be given of Drake’s ready and liberal 
support of any project of public utility. Hakluyt was anxious 
to establish a lecture in London on the art of navigation ; 

“ For which cause,” says he, “ I have dealt with the right worshipfull 
Sir Francis Drake, that seeing God hath blessed him so wonderfully, he 
woulde do this honour to himselfe and benefite to his countrey, to bee at the 
cost to erecte such a lecture: whereunto in most bountifull maner at the verie 
first he answered, that he liked so well of the motion, that he woulde giue 
twentie poundes by the yeare standing, and twentie poundes more before 
hand to a learned man to furnish him with instruments and maps, that 
woulde take this thing upon him: yea, so readie he was, that he earnestly 
requested mee to helpe him to the notice of a fitte man for that purpose, 
which I, for the zeale I bare to this good actio, did presently, and brought 


* Lansdowne MSS., British Museum. 




CHAP. XII.] 


TO THE SPANISH COLONIES. 


185 


him one, who came vnto him and conferred with him thereupon : but in fine 
he would not vndertake the lecture, vnlesse he might haue fourtie pounde 
a yeere standing, and so the matter ceased for that time: liowbeit the 
worthie and good knight remaineth still constant, and will be, as he told 
me very lately, as good as his worde. Howe if God shoulde put into the 
head of any noble man to contribute other twentie pounde, to make this 
lecture a competent living for a learned man, the whole realme no doubt 
might reape no small benefite thereby.” 

Drake was greatly attached to Plymouth and its neighbour¬ 
hood ; and, in 1587, purchased of Sir Richard Grenvile the house 
and domain of Buckland Monachorum, so called from having been 
the property of a society of Cistertian monks, whose house was 
suppressed in the reign of Henry VPII. The church of this 
convent was converted into a dwelling-house, and was the 
country residence of Sir Francis : it has always continued the 
residence of the Drake family. Buckland Abbey is situated on 
the banks of the Tay, ten miles from Plymouth ; and its exten- 
ive buildings show the grandeur and solidity of such edifices. 
Here there is a full-length original picture of Sir Francis, 
an. 1594, setatis 53, and a framed copy of his patent of arms. 
There is also the sword and an old drum, which he had with him 
in his voyage round the world. 

About a mile from the abbey is the village of Buckland 
Monachorum , which has a handsome church; within the walls 
of which are deposited the remains of some of the Ileathfields 
and Drakes, to whose memory several marble monuments have 
been raised. On that to General Elliot, Baron Heathfield, is a 
long inscription which thus concludes:— 

“ He married Ann Polixen Drake, daughter of 
Sir Francis Drake, Bart., 

Who lies interred near this spot 
And by her left a daughter, who was married to 
John Tray ton Fuller, Esq.” 

The descendant of this gentleman succeeded to the Drake pro¬ 
perty, and took the name and the armorial bearings. He was 
created a baronet in 1824, and is the present Sir Thomas Tray- 
ton Fuller Elliot Drake, of Nut well Court, Buckland Abbey, 
Sherford and Sheafhayne House. 

Drake’s town residence was an old royal palace near the Steel¬ 
yard, in Thames-street, close by Dowgate Hill, called the 
Erber. 



186 


VOYAGE OF DRAKE AND HAWKINS [chap. xii. 


Hakluyt says, u Sir Francis Drake made his brother, Thomas 
Drake, and Captain Jonas Bodenham executors ; and Air. Thomas 
Drake’s son his heir to all his lands except one manor, which he 
gave to Captain Bodenham.” This is somewhat incorrect: but 
in the records of the Prerogative Court of Doctors’ Commons 
there are two wills, one dated (blank) day of August, 1595, 
apparently made in contemplation of going into action, as he 
sailed from Plymouth on the 28th of that month ; the other, 
dated the 27th of January, 1596, the day before he died. In 
the first will Anthony Prowse, William Strode, and Christopher 
Harris are executors, and his cousins, Master Richard Drake 
and Thomas Barret, are named “ rulers and overseers ” of the 
will. By the last his brother Thomas was appointed sole execu¬ 
tor : under both he was the residuary devisee and legatee of the 
real and personal estate. 

It appears there was a suit in the Prerogative Court between 
the said executor and Dame Elizabeth, the relict; and that sen¬ 
tence was given in favour of the former, pronouncing for the 
validity of both wills. 

Sir Francis Drake was twice elected to a seat in parliament: 
first, as burgess for the town of Bossiney (otherwise Tintagal) 
in the county of Cornwall, in the twenty-seventh parliament 
held by Queen Elizabeth ; and again in 1592-93, as the repre¬ 
sentative of the borough of Plymouth. It does not appear, 
however, that he took any lead in the House, or troubled him¬ 
self much with politics. Drake was no courtier; but he was 
ever ready to exert his best faculties in the Queen’s service; 
and was highly respected by all her Majesty’s servants, and his 
advice greatly relied upon. 

In that reign it was customary to present the Sovereign with 
some token of regard on New r Year’s Day, generally some de¬ 
vice in gold, silver, or jewellery. In Nicholl’s ‘ Progresses ’ 
we find it recorded that, in 1583, was— 

“ Geven by Sir Frauncis Drake, onne sault of golde, like a globe standing 
upon two naked men, being the history of Jupiter and Pallas, with a woman 
on the top thereof, having a trumpet in her hand; the foot enamelled with 
flowers.” 

And again, in 1586,— 

“ Geven by Sir Frauncis Drake, a frame of fathers, white and redd, the 




CHAP. XII.] 


TO THE SPANISH COLONIES. 


187 


handle of golde inamuled, with a halfe-moone of mother-of-perles, within 
that a halfe-moone garnished with sparks of diamonds, and a few seede 
perles on thone side, having her majesty's picture within it, and on the 
backside a device, with a crowe over it.” 

This custom of New Year’s gifts was laid aside in the early 
part of the reign of James I. 

The latter part of the life of Drake, from 1590 to his last 
fatal voyage in 1595, appears to have been entirely occupied on 
objects of public utility and private benevolence. He was un¬ 
questionably, in conjunction with his two friends and colleagues, 
Sir John Hawkins and Sir Martin Frobisher, the principal 
founder of our naval celebrity. He it was who first introduced 
the aid of astronomy into practical navigation; who laboured in 
the establishment of naval discipline, and in the art of preserv¬ 
ing the health and efficiency of seamen ; it was he who taught 
English sailors the advantage of smartness , activity, and good 
seamanship, by which they were enabled in their little barks to 
conquer the castellated galleons of the Spaniards. But the 
highest praise of this great man is contained in the words of 
Fuller, “ This our Captain was a religious man towards God 
and his houses , generally sparing churches where he came; 
chaste in his life; just in his dealings; true to his word; and 
merciful to those who were under him; hating nothing so much 
as idleness 


THE END. 


London: Printed by William Clowes and Sons, Stamford Street 









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